Geneva Funerals: Death and Burial in the 16th Century

Welcome to "Really Calvin, is this an ideal life? A historical podcast." Journey back to 16th century Geneva in this captivating podcast exploring the city's management of death following the adoption of the Reformation. Discover how the authorities implemented new regulations for burials, established dedicated cemeteries, and appointed official gravediggers. We'll delve into the gradual development of civil registration, including the creation of records for baptisms, marriages, and deaths. Learn how these initiatives aimed to ensure public health, respect for the deceased, and better population control. The podcast will also examine efforts to set affordable burial prices and regulate funeral practices in the face of epidemics. This fascinating look at Geneva's approach to mortality offers unique insights into the social and administrative changes brought about by the Reformation in one of Europe's most influential cities of the time.

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Speaker #0 - Welcome to the Deep Dive. Today, we're going to be stepping back in time to 16th century Geneva. A city that was buzzing with change after adopting the Reformation. 

Speaker #1 - Lots going on. 

Speaker #0 - But instead of focusing on the religious shifts, we're going to be taking a look at how they dealt with something everyone faces, no matter their beliefs: death. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, and what I think is so interesting is we're not just looking at burial practices. We're going to be uncovering how this newly independent city-state facing plague and political uncertainty developed a surprisingly sophisticated system for managing death. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, and all this from just a few excerpts about death and burial practices. 

Speaker #1 - That's right. 

Speaker #0 - From a 2025 study, we're talking about a walled city divided into high and low areas. The city council, or "Petit Conseil" as they were called, kept a close eye on those in the low city, which... was mainly inhabited by foreigners and merchants. 

Speaker #1 - A lot of suspicion. 

Speaker #0 - It was a time of plague outbreaks and political intrigue. And let me tell you, the way they meticulously documented their dead is fascinating, especially considering they were doing this before the King of France made it mandatory. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah. Their approach to death and burial reveals so much about their society. For example, Geneva wasn't a republic at this time, but a signory (or a seigneury). 

Speaker #0 - A signory. 

Speaker #1 - It's a type of lordship where a lord holds both, political and judicial authority over a territory. 

Speaker #0 - So not quite the democratic system we associate with Switzerland today. 

Speaker #1 - No, not at all. 

Speaker #0 - And the Signory wasn't just the walled city. They also controlled surrounding villages, and to strengthen their defenses, they'd recently destroyed their suburbs, forcing those residents into either the cramped city. 

Speaker #1 - Can you imagine? 

Speaker #0 - Or the scattered countryside. Yeah. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah. Imagine the impact of that decision. Now picture this: within the city walls, you have the high city and the low city.

Speaker #0 - Okay. 

Speaker #1 - The Petit Conseil, made up mostly of wealthy citizens, favored the residents of the high city and viewed those in the low city with suspicion. This division wasn't just geographical, it permeated their social and political life. 

Speaker #0 - Okay, so we've got a divided city, play, outbreaks, political tensions. Where did they even put all the dead in this crowded and complex environment? 

Speaker #1 - I had to get creative. There was the main cemetery, of course, but when plague struck, they also used a separate... plague cemetery to try and contain the spread of disease. And when even that wasn't enough, they resorted to a temporary cemetery in Rive Meadow. 

Speaker #0 - Rive Meadow. 

Speaker #1 - When the main one was considered too risky. 

Speaker #0 - So they were constantly adapting to these threats of disease. 

Speaker #1 - Absolutely. 

Speaker #0 - It makes you wonder, did everyone get the same treatment in death? 

Speaker #1 - Not exactly. While the city council aimed to provide respectful burials for all citizens, criminals faced a different fate. 

Speaker #0 - Okay. 

Speaker #1 - Their bodies were often left on the gallows to decompose.

Speaker #0 - Oh, wow. 

Speaker #1 - Serving as a grim spectacle and a warning to others. 

Speaker #0 - That's a pretty harsh punishment. 

Speaker #1 - It was. 

Speaker #0 - But I suppose public order was a top priority in those times.  

Speaker #1 - Oh, for sure. 

Speaker #0 - Did this practice ever cause issues, especially with the risk of spreading disease? 

Speaker #1 - It certainly created tension. Decomposing bodies, especially during plague outbreaks, posed a significant health risk. This led to a constant struggle between wanting to deter crime and protect public health. 

Speaker #0 - It sounds like a morbid dilemma. So how did they try to resolve this? 

Speaker #1 - Well, families of the executed often pleaded for a proper burial, but their requests were usually denied. Eventually, they started burying the remains directly beneath the gallows, essentially hiding the problem while still upholding the punishment. 

Speaker #0 - A grim but practical solution. It seems like they were facing a lot of challenges when it came to managing death in this period. How did they bring order to this chaos, especially with the added layer of religious change brought about by the Reformation? 

Speaker #1 - That's where things get really interesting. After adopting the Reformation, the Genevans implemented a set of regulations for death and burial. These were motivated by a desire for public health and a newfound respect for the deceased values central to the Reformed faith. 

Speaker #0 - So they weren't just reacting to circumstances. They were actively shaping their approach to death based on their... evolving beliefs. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. 

Speaker #0 - This shift in perspective must have had a major impact on how they dealt with the practicalities of death. Did they develop any specific systems or roles to handle burials? 

Speaker #1 - They did. They introduced the role of the enterer, which is essentially an undertaker. These were elected officials responsible for burying the dead. 

Speaker #0 - Wow. 

Speaker #1 - There were four assigned to the city and two to Saint-Gervais ensuring a structured approach to burials. 

Speaker #0 - It's amazing how they were creating these systems even back then. It sounds very organized compared to what I imagine for a 16th century city. Did everyone have access to these services? I mean, death could be expensive even today. 

Speaker #1 - You raise a good point. The city council was actually quite sensitive to the cost of dying. They implemented a system with fixed prices for burials, making sure they were affordable for everyone. 

Speaker #0 - Wow, that's incredibly forward-thinking for that time period.

Speaker #1 -  It was.

Speaker #0 - It suggests a real commitment to social welfare even in death. 

Speaker #1 - Indeed. And to emphasize just how common death was, especially among the most vulnerable, keep in mind that one in two infants didn't reach their first birthday. 

Speaker #0 - Oh my gosh. 

Speaker #1 - The mortality rate was staggeringly high. 

Speaker #0 - That puts things into perspective. 

Speaker #1 - It does. 

Speaker #0 - So we have designated undertakers fixed prices for burials. What other changes do they make to their burial practices? Did anything else stand out in the research? 

Speaker #1 - Two significant decisions come to mind. Firstly, they introduced the use of a black shroud to transport the dead,to add a touch of dignity and respect to the process. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, I could see how that would have been a comfort to the grieving family. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. The second decision was a seemingly simple one, but it had profound consequences. They mandated that undertakers report every death, first to a lieutenant and then to the local preacher. 

Speaker #0 - And this reporting requirement led to...

Speaker # 1 - ... the creation of official written death records. And here's where things get really fascinating: these records, the simple in their initial purpose, would eventually evolve into a sophisticated system of civil registration. 

Speaker #0 - So out of this tumultuous period with its playings, political anxieties, and religious reforms emerged a practice that would become a cornerstone of modern governance. It's incredible how something as simple as recording deaths could have such a lasting impact. 

Speaker #1 - It is. It's a testament to their foresight and perhaps a hint of the anxieties of the time. They needed to understand their population, perhaps for control, perhaps for survival. But regardless of their motivations, this meticulous documentation provides a window into 16th century Geneva that we'll delve deeper into. 

Speaker #0 - This is already so intriguing.

Speaker #1 - It is. 

Speaker #0 - We've covered a lot of ground from the layout of the city to the evolution of their burial practices. But before we get ahead of ourselves, I think it's time to take a pause and reflect on what we've learned so far. 

Speaker #1 - I agree. There's so much more to uncover in these records, and I'm eager to dive deeper into their implications. 

Speaker #0 - We've been exploring 16th century Geneva and how this city grappling with plague, political uncertainty, and religious shifts. 

Speaker #1 - Lots of change. 

Speaker #0 - Developed a surprisingly complex system for dealing with death.

Speaker #1 - For sure. 

Speaker #0 - And we left off on the emergence of those meticulous death records. 

Speaker #1 - Right. What started as a simple reporting requirement blossomed into a system of civil registration recording, not just deaths, but also births and marriages. 

Speaker #0 - I make you wonder what drove them to document everything so meticulously. 

Speaker #1 - Well, it wasn't simply about keeping track. These records were a powerful tool for understanding and managing their population. Remember, Geneva was a newly independent city-state in a time of great upheaval. They were surrounded by powerful neighbors, constantly threatened by disease, and navigating the social changes brought on by the Reformation, information was vital for their survival. 

Speaker #0 - So these records, more than just a bureaucratic necessity, were a way for them to gain a sense of control in uncertain times. 

Speaker #1 - Precisely. They needed to understand who lived within their walls, where they came from, and how their population was changing. These records helped them track migration patterns, identify areas of growth or decline, and even monitor the spread of disease. 

Speaker #0 - It's fascinating how these records reflect the anxieties and priorities of the time. It's like they were trying to make sense of a world in flux by quantifying it, putting everything down on paper. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. And it wasn't just about understanding their population in the present. These records also help them plan for the future by analyzing birth and death rates. They could anticipate needs for housing resources and even social services. 

Speaker #0 - Did they use this information to actively shape their society? 

Speaker #1 - It's a good question. 

Speaker #0 - I mean, we talked about how the city council used public punishments to deter crime. Did they apply a similar approach to other aspects of city life? 

Speaker #1 - There's certainly evidence to suggest that by tracking which families were thriving and which areas were experiencing growth, they could potentially incentivize certain behaviors or direct resources to specific parts of the city. It was a subtle form of social engineering, perhaps unintentional at first, but with clear implications for how their society developed. 

Speaker #0 - It sounds like a double-edged sword. On the one hand, they were using information to improve public health, manage resources and plan for the future. On the other hand, it raises questions about individual privacy, and the potential for control. 

Speaker #1 - That tension between collective good and individual liberty is a recurring theme throughout history. In a way, these Genevans were grappling with a challenge we still face today, how to balance the benefits of data collection with the need to protect individual rights. 

Speaker #0 - It's a reminder that even seemingly mundane bureaucratic practices can have profound ethical implications. But let's not forget the human stories behind these records. 

Speaker #1 - Of course not. 

Speaker #0 - We're talking about real people who lived and died in 16th century Geneva, each with their own hopes, struggles, and experiences. Did those individual stories come through in the research? 

Speaker #1 - Absolutely. While the records might seem impersonal at first glance, they offer glimpses into the lives of everyday Genevans. We can eat patterns of marriage and family formation, trace the impact of disease outbreaks, and even learn about the social dynamics within the city. 

Speaker #0 - You mentioned earlier that the city council was sensitive to the cost of dying, and set fixed prices for burials to ensure they were affordable for everyone. Did that apply to all citizens regardless of their social standing? 

Speaker #1 - That's where the nuances of their social hierarchy become apparent. While the council aimed for affordability, there's evidence to suggest a preference for the head of the household. Burial costs might have been structured to prioritize those seen as the economic and social pillars of the community. 

Speaker #0 - So even in death, social distinctions persisted. 

Speaker #1 - It seems so. 

Speaker #0 - This makes me think about the division between the high and low city. Did that division play out in their burial practices as well? 

Speaker #1 - That's a question worth exploring further. While their records don't explicitly state different treatment based on residence, it's possible that subtle differences existed in the quality of the burial, the location within the cemetery, or even the rituals performed, we might not have all the answers, but these questions help us to understand the complexities of their society. 

Speaker #0 - It's like piecing together a puzzle. Each detail, each record, adds another layer to our understanding of 16th century Geneva. We've gone from a city grappling with plague and political change to a society that developed a sophisticated system for managing death and using information to shape its future. 

Speaker #1 - It's really incredible. 

Speaker #0 - It's a reminder that history is full of surprises, and while the patch may seem distant, it often holds lessons that resonate deeply with our own time. 

Speaker #1 - It's fascinating to consider how these practices born out of necessity and circumstance laid the groundwork for how we manage death, collect data and govern ourselves today. The echoes of 16th century Geneva can be found in our own modern systems and institutions. 

Speaker #0 - It's a sobering thought, but also an inspiring one. It shows how even in the face of challenges, societies can adapt, innovate, and create systems that shape the course of history. 

Speaker #1 - And those systems, as we've seen, are always evolving, reflecting the values, anxieties, and aspirations of each generation. 

Speaker #0 - We've covered a lot of ground, but there's still so much to unpack. What do you say we take a moment to gather our thoughts and then dive back into this rich historical tapestry. 

Speaker #1 - I'm all for it. There are always more connections to make, more stories to uncover. 

Speaker #0 - We've journeyed through 16th century Geneva. A city facing plug, political uncertainty and religious change. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, a lot to deal with. 

Speaker #0 - We've seen how they developed a system for managing death that was surprisingly advanced for its time. 

Speaker #1 - It really was. 

Speaker #0 - We've uncovered how their burial practices shaped by both necessity and their evolving values, led to the creation of these meticulously detailed records, records that went beyond simply documenting the dead. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, they really give us a glimpse into their world. 

Speaker #0 - These records, as we've discovered, became a tool for understanding, controlling, and even suddenly shaping the population. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. 

Speaker #0 - They were trying to make sense of a world in constant flux. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, it was a time of great change. 

Speaker #0 - And these records gave them a way to quantify and analyze their society. 

Speaker #1 - And exert some control over it. 

Speaker #0 - And in doing so, they created a system that foreshadowed modern practices of data collection and governance. 

Speaker #1 - It's fascinating, isn't it? 

Speaker #0 - It's incredible to think how these Genevans, grappling with challenges so different from our own, laid the groundwork for systems we still use today.

Speaker #1 - Yeah, it's a real testament to the enduring power of ideas. 

Speaker #0 - But as we wrap up this deep dive, I'm curious, what's the most important takeaway for our listeners? 

Speaker #1 - I think the key takeaway is to be aware, to recognize that information, even something as seemingly simple as death records, can be a powerful tool. It can be used for good, to manage resources, track disease plan for the future, but it can also be used to control and manipulate. 

Speaker #0 - So it's a double-edged sword. 

Speaker #1 - Yes.

Speaker #0 - It's a reminder that we need to be mindful of how data is collected, who has access to it, and how it's used. The questions these Genevans faced about the balance between collective good and individual liberty are still relevant today. 

Speaker #1 - They are more than ever. 

Speaker #0 - Absolutely. We live in an age where information is constantly being gathered and analyzed. Understanding the historical context of data collection and its potential for both benefit and harm can help us navigate the complexities of our own digital age. 

Speaker #1 - I think that's a great point. 

Speaker #0 - This deep dive has been a real eye-opener. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, it has. 

Speaker #0 - We started with 16th century burial practices and ended up reflecting on the power of information and its impact on society both then and now. 

Speaker #1 - It's all connected. 

Speaker #0 - It's a testament to the enduring relevance of history. By studying the past, we can gain a deeper understanding of the present and make more informed choices about the future. 

Speaker #1 - I think that's a perfect note to end on. 

Speaker #0 - So until next time, keep exploring, keep questioning...

Speaker #1 - ... and keep learning...

Speaker #0 - ... and keep diving deep into the fascinating stories that history has to offer. 

Managing Death in Geneva During Calvin's Time: Anything But a Piece of Cake!

By Dr. Christophe Chazalon

Introduction: Geography of the Lordship of Geneva
Sixteenth-century Geneva was a lordship before it was a republic. It encompassed not only the territory within the fortified walls, surrounded by suburbs, but also land in the more or less immediate vicinity of the city. Two years before the Reformation was adopted in 1536, under the strong encouragement of the Bernese, the Genevans decided to destroy all the city's suburbs to improve the city's protection and prevent the preparation of plots facilitated by the suburbs. The last suburb, that of La Corraterie, was destroyed in 1540. From then on, the inhabitants all resided within the walls or in the countryside. Following the war with the Duke of Savoy and the departure of the Prince-Bishop of Geneva, Pierre de La Baume, the latter were classified into two types: firstly, territories entirely managed by the city authorities, known as the Bishop's territories, including Jussy. Secondly, there were territories shared with the Bernese, who had come to help the Genevans in their struggles, known as Saint-Victor and Chapitre. These were the territories formerly held by the Priory of Saint-Victor and those of the cathedral chapter of Geneva, which from then until 1567 were managed jointly by the Bernese and Genevan authorities, not without difficulty. Conflicts between the two lordships, through their officers, were incessant, culminating in the "Artichauts" affair, which led to the signing in 1544 of the second Départ de Bâle, which allowed, with varying degrees of success, the joint administration until the arrival of Napoleon's troops at the end of the 18th century. So, in 1536, we have the city of Geneva protected by ever more fortresses and surrounded by fields and forests, with villages of varying sizes scattered far and wide, which it had to defend in the event of an attack.

But another particularity governed the city at the end of the lake: it was divided into two parts, not by the Rhône, at whose mouth the city stands, but by what is commonly known today as "les rues basses" (the lower streets). Indeed, the main street of the city center today, where the streetcar runs, was, under the Ancien Régime, the dividing line of the city. The part of the city above it was called the "ville haute" (upper town), and the other part, towards the lake, was called the "ville basse" (lower town). This lower town also included the part of the city built on the right bank of the Rhône, called "Villeneuve," and then more generally "Saint-Gervais."

In a simplistic but fully accepted manner in Calvin's time, the "upper town" comprised a large majority of the city's bourgeois and citizens, while the "lower town," and therefore Saint-Gervais, consisted mainly of foreigners and merchants. This is clearly marked in the decisions of the Petit Conseil (Small Council) of Geneva, the executive body of the Lordship, which can be read in the Registres des Conseils (Council Registers). The Small Council distrusted the inhabitants of the "lower town" and even in times of war or maximum alert, asked its captain general to move to the "upper town" to ensure better protection of the city.

This geo-political preamble helps to better understand the management of the dead in Geneva after the adoption of the Reformation. 

Places to Bury the Dead

Generally speaking, until the adoption of the Reformation, each parish in the city had its cemetery. However, with the suburbs razed, churches transformed into temples, and parishes replaced by "dizaines" (neighborhoods), the Seigneury decided to create two cemeteries along the Rhône. There was a large cemetery on the Corraterie side (now known as the "Cimetière des Rois" or Cemetery of Kings). Another cemetery, which was actually created in 1482, remained dedicated to plague deaths adjacent to the hospital for plague victims, located on the same side, probably right next to it. The Council Registers tell us that there was also a small cemetery near the church (which became a temple) of La Madeleine in Saint-Gervais, a remnant of the parish system. Additionally, in September 1542, the plague was so virulent that plague victims were buried wherever possible, and the main cemetery was considered "infected." The Small Council therefore decided to have people who had not died of the plague buried in the "pré de Rive" (Rive meadow)."

The problem was also found in the villages in the countryside, such as Genthod or Peney. In the latter village, it was ordered that plague victims be buried near the local chapel. So always a sanctified place, but not the village church. Note, however, that if churches become temples after the adoption of the Reformation, chapels remain chapels, but no services are held there.

Another case must be taken into account: those sentenced to death. It was common for all or part of their bodies to be left to rot on the gallows or on nearby pillars, offering, in addition to violent corporal punishment, an insult to their dead bodies. However, in addition to the pestilential odor and the attraction of unwanted beasts, these pieces of putrid flesh quickly appeared as potential vectors of contagion, including the plague. Worse still, the "sowers of plague" could find material there to enrich their potions and fats. But, in a desire to punish and denounce the crimes committed, the authorities did not want the bodies of executed criminals to be buried with the "honest" people. Regularly, their families came to implore the Council to be able to bury the deceased normally, but generally, they only obtained a refusal, or even reprimands. The solution for the Lordship was to bury the body or pieces of body (at least what was left of it after the passage of crows, rooks, rats and other scavengers) under the gallows themselves....

Burials and Buriers
Following the adoption of the Reformation and the independence of the city, the authorities, often motivated by the preachers, decided to gradually regulate and order the management of the bodies of the deceased.
As early as April 28, 1536, it was decided to elect 4 "buriers" for the city and 2 others for Saint-Gervais, "quil doegent incontinent visiter les corps des trespassés, à scavoir refferir si aulcung dangier y advenoit et s'il y auroit quelque esclandre, et iceulx fairont les sepultures sans aultres. Et pource qu'il se puyssent myeulx en cela entretenir, hauront de chescune sepulture d'une grande personne six solz, et d'une sepulture d'ung enfant dix cars, sans en demander plus, et ainsyn se debvront contanter." ("who should immediately visit the bodies of the deceased, to know and report if any danger should arise and if there should be any scandal, and they shall make the burials without others. And so that they may better maintain themselves in this, they shall have six sols for each burial of a great person, and ten cars for a burial of a child, without asking for more, and thus they must be content.")
These officers were then elected every 3 years or so. As for emoluments, "aussi affin que aulcungs ne soyent oppressés du prys et sallaires de ceulx quil font les sepultures des deffuncts" ("also so that no one may be oppressed by the price and salaries of those who make the burials of the deceased"), the Seigneury intelligently imposed a fixed and accessible price for everyone, because death was the daily bread of the inhabitants at that time. It must not be forgotten that only 1 in 2 children reached the age of 1! And that the plague, but even more so smallpox, wreaked havoc, regardless of age or gender. The Seigneury increased the price to 3 sous for children in January 1547. Then, in July 1548, it distinguished between "chef de famille" ("heads of household"), for 6 sous, and other women and men, for 5 sous, and children, 3 sous. The aim here was probably to ensure that the gravediggers offered diligent service in their work as undertakers for the "head of the family," the patriarch of each household, the only one who could obtain all political and economic rights.
Two other important decisions were made in the first few years following the adoption of the Reformation:

1. For better respect for the deceased, in March 1543, the decision was taken to make a shroud of "black fustian" to place on the body of the dead during transport. This decision was reiterated a year later.
2. The "buriers" or gravediggers, as officers, had to swear an oath to follow their ordinances, nothing very normal. But these ordinances stipulated, among other things, that they had to reveal any death to the lieutenant, firstly, and then to the preacher of the place, so that everything could be written down. Note that In December 1538, the ministers already proposed keeping registers of baptisms and marriages, an idea favorably received by the Small Council, but ultimately without follow-up. It wasn't until January 20, 1541, that the question resurfaced. The Seigneury then decided that the ministers would be responsible for writing the baptism and marriage registers, while the hospital administrator would have to keep a register of deaths. However, the oldest preserved register begins in 1542 and concerns baptisms and marriages in Satigny (A.E.G., E.C. Satigny, B.M. 1 (August 27, 1542 - March 16, 1634)). For the city, the first register begins in April 1544 and concerns the "parish" of Saint-Pierre (A.E.G., E.C. Saint-Pierre, B.M. 1 (April 10, 1544 - December 22, 1557)). Finally, while there is a death register written following the plague, dating from April-May 1545, it wasn't until December 24, 1549, that regular record-keeping became effective (A.E.G., E.C. Morts suppl. 1 (ad diem) and Morts 1 (December 24, 1549 - December 29, 1555)). It should be noted that the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts of August 15, 1539, is considered in France as the foundation of civil status, through the obligation to keep baptism registers that it imposed. And thus, once again, the Genevans were precursors.

Conclusion

From its accession to independence and following Reformed values, the Seigneury of Geneva took decisions regarding the management of the dead which aimed at public health, respect for the deceased and the protection of the most deprived by setting prices accessible to all. Moreover, it very quickly created the three pillars of civil status, with the aim of better regulating the management of the population by establishing a register of baptisms, a register of marriages and a register of deaths. These complemented the series of demographic registers, with the register of admissions to the bourgeoisie and the register of inhabitants, which had the task of registering any newcomer who wished to reside in the city. By this means, it could better channel migratory flows, better collect taxes, better know its population and differentiate the "honest people" from the "rogues and vagabonds."

QUOTATIONS FROM PRIMARY SOURCES

A.E.G., R.C. 29, fol. 93 / R.C. impr., t. XIII, p. 553 / 28 avril 1536
(Sepulturae) — Icy est esté advisé sur la façon des sepultures etc., et pour ce que aulcungs peulvent morir subitement au dangereusement, et aussi affin que aulcungs ne soyent oppressés du prys et sallaires de ceulx quil font les sepultures des deffuncts, est esté advisé, arresté et resolu qu'il soyent eleuz quattres en la ville et deux à Sainct-Gervais, quil doegent incontinent visiter les corps des trespassés, à scavoir refferir si aulcung dangier y advenoit et s'il y auroit quelque esclandre, et iceulx fairont les sepultures sans aultres. Et pource qu'il se puyssent myeulx en cela entretenir, hauront de chescune sepulture d'une grande personne six solz, et d'une sepulture d'ung enfant dix cars, sans en demander plus, et ainsyn se debvront contanter.

A.E.G., R.C. 30, fol. 21v° / R.C. impr., n.s, t. I, p. 51 / 26 juin 1536
(De subterraneis) — Ibidem fuit loquutum quod alias fuerunt deputati quattuor pro sepelliendo mortuos, contra quam electionem nonnulli opponunt et recusant obedire. Super quo fuit arrestatum quod dicatur disennariis quod dicant suis debeant pro talli sepultura et visitatione cadaverum ad 4 electos recurrere.

A.E.G., R.C. 30, fol. 54 / R.C. impr., n.s, t. I, p. 138 / 10 septembre 1536 / Conseil général [publié dans S.D.G., t. II, n° 715, p. 332]
(Sepulture) — Fuit loquutum de sepulturis et advisum quod sit melius sepellere omnes apud hospitale pestifferum quam alibi.

A.E.G., R.C. 32, fol. 230-230v° / R.C. impr., n.s, t. III/1, p. 515-516 / 10 décembre 1538
(Predicans) — Lesqueulx on proposé coment il seroy bon de fere rabilliez les loysiez de Ryvaz affin que, en donnanz laz saincte Cene, que laz nege ne tombisse sus les tables. Puys, advisé de baptiser en tous temples, et mecstres [p. 516] de baptistayres et baptizer az laz pierre affin que soyons tous conformes. (fol. 230v°) En oultre, voyr qu’il seroy bon d’avoyr ung grand lyvre pour mecstre les noms des enfans, du pere et de laz mere et du paren, et le jour qu’il az esté baptizé ; ausy des mariages et le jour qu’il seroy solempnizé1. Puys apprès, az pryer luy volloyr fere rabillier laz moyson que Messrs luy on ballié. Resoluz de fere fayre tout ce que desus on proposer.

A.E.G., R.C. 35, fol. 40v° / R.C. impr., n.s, t. VI/1, p. 56 / 31 janvier 1541
(Enterreur de Sainct Gervex) — Ordonné qu’il n’ayent az enterré personne, que premierement ne le venent revellé az monsieur le lieutenant.

A.E.G., R.C. 35, fol. 94 / R.C. impr., n.s, t. VI/1, p. 124 / 01 mars 1541
(De cieulx que enterrent les gens) — Pour ce qu’il hont fayct leur troys ans, resoluz d’y en mecstre d’aultre en leur lieu.

A.E.G., R.C. 36, fol. 130 / R.C. impr., n.s, t. VII/1, p. 476 / 26 septembre 1542
(Enterrement) — Pour ce que le general cimistiere est infect, causant cieulx que l’on enterre morant de la peste, resoluz que pour ung temps soyt estably ung aultre cemistiere pour les aultres non morant de peste, et a esté deputé le pré de Rive.

A.E.G., R.C. 36, fol. 133v° / R.C. impr., n.s, t. VII/1, p. 483 / 29 septembre 1542
(Enterrement de corps) — Ordonné que à la requeste de maystre Calvin et de maystre Bastian, regent aux escoles, que les corps, tant mors de peste que aultrement, soyent enterrés à l’hospital pestilencial.

A.E.G., R.C. 37, fol. 30v° / R.C. impr., n.s, t. VIII/1, p. 120 / 12 mars 1543
(Drapt pour porter sus les trepassés) — Ordonné que il soyt fayct ung drapt noyer pour deslyvrer aux enterreurs, affin de mecstre icelluy sus les corps que l’on porte ensevelly aut lieu accoustumé.

A.E.G., R.C. 37, fol. 47v° / R.C. impr., n.s, t. VIII/1, p. 156 / 02 avril 1543
(Drap pour mecstre sur les corps mort) — La charge de le fere fayre honestement a esté ballié aut seigneur Johan Chaultemps.

A.E.G., R.C. 37, fol. 255 / R.C. impr., n.s, t. VIII/1, p. 514 / 29 octobre 1543
(Enterrement des infect et que moront de peste riere le mandement de Pigney) — Ordonné que telles gens trepassant de peste soyent ensevelys aut cimistiere de la chapelle de Pigney.

A.E.G., R.C. 37, fol. 266v° / R.C. impr., n.s, t. VIII/1, p. 534 / 09 novembre 1543
(Cimistiere de Gento) — Pour l’enterrement des subjectz de Gento, ordonné de commecstre aut chatellaien du lieu de leur establyr ung lieu propre dedyé à cella.

A.E.G., R.C. 38, fol. 172v° / R.C. impr., n.s, t. IX/1, p. 290 / 24 avril 1544
(Drap pour mecstre sus les trepassés) — Ordonné qu’il soyt fayct ung drapt de fustenne noyer pour mecstre sus les trepassés quant l’on les porte en terre.

A.E.G., R.C. 41, fol. 286 / 17 janvier 1547
(Edictz des enterreurs) — La commission de trové des aultres enterreurs a esté ballié aut seigneur Jehan Chaultemps et qui ayent six s. pour chascun corps d’home ou femme, et pour les enfans, troys s.

A.E.G., R.C. 42, fol. 59 / 17 mars 1547
(Les corps estant au gibet de Champel) — Pour eviter infection, ordonné que lesd. corps soyent mys bas du gibet et enterrés aut desoub.

A.E.G., R.C. 42, fol. 211v° / 12 août 1547
(Le ministre de Vendovre) — Lequelt c'est venuz lamenté de cieulx qui apportent les corps en sepulture devant la mayson out il habitent et font cella par mesprys, voyeant que les payssans ont leur simistiere clos, requerant il avoyer advis. Ordonné qui soyt cella deffenduz et mys aut cries, et qui ce contentent d'enterré dans le simistiere cloz.

A.E.G., R.C. 42, fol. 385v° / 29 décembre 1547
(Le cimistiere dernier le temple de la Magdeleine) — Ordonné qui soyt clos affin de ny permecstre le passage et soyt visité l’affere, et ayant aoys la relation des seigneurs Anthoenne Chicand, conscindicque, Pernet de Fosses, Pierre Mallagnyo et Pierre Vernaz, conselliers, l’on demore jouxte leur advis.

A.E.G., R.C. 43, fol. 95 / 21 mai 1548
(Des enterreurs) — Ordonné qui soyt provheu d'enterreurs qui ayent seyrement à la Ville et leur soyt ballié leur charge par escript, tant des fosses que du gages.

A.E.G., R.C. 43, fol. 125v° / 02 juillet 1548
(Enterrement des persones) — Suyvant la resolucion precedente, touchant des enterremens etc., ordonné qui soyent demandés les deux enterreurs pour venyr fere le seyrement à la Seygneurie et leur soyt faict comandement exprès de venyr revellé tous cieulx que iront de vie à trespas en ceste ville, et icelle revellacion debvront fere en la banche du droyct, et là soyent tous redigyr par escript, et ausy que lesd. enterreurs n'ayent à exigyr et recovré, pour le corps de chiefz de mayson, synon six solz, pour femmes et aultres homes, cinq solz, et pour les enfans, troys solz.

A.E.G., R.C. 44, fol. 290v° / 23 décembre 1549
(Enterreurs) — Est parlé et arresté que l'on doibge remonstrés aux enterreurs qu'il se porte plus honnestement en leur office et aussi que dès icy en avant, il n'enterient personne sans le notiffier à maistre Claude Favre, prescheur, à qui dès maintenant l'on donne charge de escripre tous les morts, tant de S.-Gervais que deçà, et debvra visiter les corps et refferé le dangier feablement. Deffendre aux enterreurs de n'enterrer sans son sceu.

A.E.G., R.C. 44, fol. 294v° / 30 décembre 1549
(Des enterreurs) — Sur ce que Ballon et Manget, gardes du clochier S.-Gervais, se sont meslés d'enterrer les gens à S.-Gervais, sans estre par nous commys, iceulx aoys, est arresté que attendu leur paovreté et la cherté du temps, pour ores, il soyent acceptés pour enterreurs et qu'il facent le serment.

A.E.G., R.C. 45, fol. 37v° / 1^er juillet 1550
(Le ministre de l'Hospital) — Maistre Claude, ministre de l'Hospital, se lamente que les enterreurs ne veullent convenir avecque luy à la visitation des corps, mais y est Humbert Trenchent qui au lieu de faire son debvoir, il le oultraige et villennie. Sus quoy est arresté que l'on se tient au ordonnances que en sont faictes et que l'on face remonstrances à Trenchent de ses faultes, et que l'on face commandement aux aultres qu'il observent les ordonnances.

Some additional ideas for discovering the world of burials under the Ancien Régime:

• Lorraine C. ATTREED, "Preparation for death in Sixteenth Century Northern England", The Sixteenth Century journal, vol. 13, n° 3, 1982, pp. 37-66      web
• Louis BLONDEL, Le cimetière de Plainpalais, Genève: Ville de Genève, [1959], 19 p.
• Eva BUTINA, "Excavations of the 16th-century Protestant church and graveyard in Govce, north-east Slovenia", Post-medieval archaeology, vol. 52, n° 2, 2018, p. 170-192      web
• Cécile BUQUET-MARCON / Jean-Yves DUFOUR, "Huguenots en boîtes de nuit. Le cimetière de Charenton (Val-de-Marne)", Les nouvelles de l'archéologie, n° 143, 2016, p. 22-27      web
• Benjamin CHAIX, "On n'enterre plus les Genevois en pleine ville depuis 1536. À travers les siècles, l'inhumation ne va pas sans difficultés", Tribune de Genève, 2020/05/02, online      web
• Stina FALLBERG SUNDMARK, "Remembering the dead and reminding the living: blessing of the corpse and burial in Sixteenth Century Sweden", Journal of Early Modern Christianity, vol. 7, n° 1, 2020/05, online      web
• Christian GROSSE, "Une mort déritualisée? Usages funéraires dans la tradition protestante réformée", in Jean-François BOUDET (éd.), Les rites et usages funéraires: essais d'anthropologie juridique, Aix-en-Provence: Presses universitaires d'Aix-Marseille, 2019, pp. 181-196      web
• Yves KRUMENACKER, Un parcours en protestantisme: I - Chemin de traverse, Lyon: LARHRA, 2024/03, 431 p., online: in particular the chapter entitled "Les Huguenots face à la mort à la fin du XVII^e siècle", p. 183-190      web
• Emmanuel LE ROY LADURIE, "Système de la coutume. Structures familiales et coutume d'héritage en France au XVI^e siècle", Annales. Histoire, sciences sociales, vol. 27, n° 5, 1972, pp. 825-846      web
• Gordon D. RAEBURN, "The reformation of burial in the Protestant Churches", in Philip BOOTH / Elizabeth TINGLE (ed.), A companion to death, burial, and remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, c. 1300-1700, Leiden (NL): Brill, 2020/11, pp. 156-174      web
• Natalie RILLIET, Le cimetière genevois: histoire d'une prise de conscience, Genève: Université de Genève, 2006, 99 p.      web
• Sandra RUBAL, Les Genevois et la mort à travers les testaments à la fin du Moyen Âge, Genève: Université de Genève, 1996, n/a p.: mémoire de licence
• SÁNCHEZ-ALBORNOZ (Nicolas), "Les registres paroissiaux en Amérique Latine", Revue d'histoire suisse, n° 17, 1967, pp. 60-71      web
• Jörn STAECKER, "A Protestant habitus: 16th-century Danish graveslabs as an expression of changes in belief", in David GAIMSTER (ed.), The archaeology of Reformation, 1480-1580, London: Routledge, 2003, online      web
• Elizabeth C. TINGLE / Jonathan WILLIS (ed.), Dying, death, burial and commemoration in Reformation Europe, London: Routledge, 2015, 242 p.      web
• Cécile TREFFORT (éd.), Le cimetière au village dans l'Europe médiévale et moderne, Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Midi, 2020/02, 256 p.      web
• anonymous, "The Protestants' attitude towards death", museeprotestant.org, s.d., online      web