Insanity in Calvin's Geneva
A brief summary
Welcome to "Really Calvin, is this an ideal life? A historical podcast." In today's episode, we delve into the complex world of mental illness in 16th-century Geneva under Calvin's leadership. The Council of Geneva's archives reveal a nuanced approach to managing madness, with authorities distinguishing between local residents and foreigners. The city's response varied depending on the individual's behavior, particularly whether they were calm or disruptive to public order.
Through compelling cases like those of Nicolas de Mollie, Claude Sautier, and Benoîte Jaccon, we'll explore the challenges faced by both authorities and families in dealing with mental illness. This episode sheds light on how religion and social norms shaped the perception and treatment of madness in Calvin's Geneva, offering a fascinating glimpse into a lesser-known aspect of life during the Reformation era.
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Script
Speaker #0 - Welcome to the Deep Dive. Today, we're going back in time, you know, to the 16th century to Geneva, the city of John Calvin. We're going to uncover how they dealt with what they called madness.
Speaker #1 - Interesting.
Speaker #0 - Our main source for this Deep Dive, the Geneva Council Registers.
Speaker #1 - Ah! The Register.
Speaker #0 - A treasure trove of, you know, historical records. They could just look into this era and how they thought.
Speaker #1 - It's fascinating, isn't it? These records are more than just, you know, laws and what they did to people. They offer us a glimpse into the lives of people.
Those labeled mad. And how society tried to deal with something they didn't really understand.
Speaker #0 - It's going to be a fascinating journey, especially considering we're talking about almost 500 years ago. I mean, their approach to mental illness.
Speaker #1 - Totally different.
Speaker #0 - Was completely different from how we see it today. To understand it better. Let's set the stage. Geneva. Back then had a very structured social system, right?
Speaker #1 - Absolutely.
Speaker #0 - Like everyone had their place.
Speaker #1 - It was a three-tiered hierarchy. At the top were the bourgeois and citizens. They had full political rights. Then came the subjects. These were Genevans living in the surrounding countryside.
Speaker #0 - So like the suburbs of Geneva?
Speaker #1 - You could say that. And then lastly, you had the inhabitants.
Speaker #0 - The inhabitants.
Speaker #1 - Foreigners and transients. Allowed to stay and work. But without any political rights.
Speaker #0 - So basically imagine living in Geneva back then. Dealing with mental health issues.
Speaker #1 - Your experience would be very different. Depending on your social standing.
Speaker #0 - Makes sense.
Speaker #1 - The Geneva Council registers. They reveal that two key factors determine how madness was handled.
Speaker #0 - Okay.
Speaker #1 - One, Genevan citizenship. And two, the individual's behavior.
Speaker #0 - Okay. So Genevan or not. and then how they acted.
Speaker #1 - Specifically whether they were causing a public disturbance or not.
Speaker #0 - Okay, let's unpack this. So if you were Genevan, kept to yourself, you were probably left alone.
Speaker #1 - Yeah, generally. The city had an obligation to care for its citizens and subjects. We see this in how they allocated aid and resources.
Speaker #0 - So they took care of their own?
Speaker #1 - Yeah. But foreigners, they were often left to fend for themselves. Or even faced expulsion.
Speaker #0 - But being a foreigner was rough.
Speaker #1 - It wasn't easy.
Speaker #0 - Okay, let's look at some examples from the records. Seems like families were generally expected to care for mentally ill members, right? Whether they were Genevan or foreign.
Speaker #1 - That's accurate. And the city would often step in to help Genevan families.
Struggling financially to care for a mentally ill family member.
Speaker #0 - So they helped out their own.
Speaker #1 - Yes. There are many instances recorded of families requesting and receiving assistance to care for Children out of their senses.
Speaker #0 - Children out of their senses.
Speaker #1 - This is how they often phrased it.
Speaker #0 - Okay! So there was a system of support in place? At least for Genevans.
Speaker #1 - Yes. And it wasn't just financial aid. The council would appoint guardians or curators.
Speaker #0 - For?
Speaker #1 - Individuals deemed incapable of managing their own affairs. Primarily to protect them from financial exploitation.
Speaker #0 - Makes sense.
Speaker #1 - This shows that they recognize vulnerability. And they wanted to protect those who couldn't protect themselves.
Speaker #0 - That's actually pretty progressive for the time.
Speaker #1 - It's interesting, isn't it?
Speaker #0 - What about foreigners, though? Did they get similar support?
Speaker #1 - Unfortunately not.
Speaker #0 - Really?
Speaker #1 - If a foreign family couldn't support themselves, including a mentally ill member, their appeals for help were usually denied. In many cases, they were banished from the city.
Speaker #0 - So citizenship really mattered.
Speaker #1 - It made all the difference. These weren't just policies on paper. They had real consequences. Often harsh consequences for individuals and families.
Speaker #0 - It's hard to imagine. So belonging to the city made a huge difference. Now things get even more complicated when we look at cases of what they called disruptive madness. The council registers are full of examples of people causing disturbances. Often during sermons. Can you imagine? You're in the middle of a Calvinist sermon and suddenly.
Speaker #1 - Someone starts shouting or acting erratically. It seems. These disruptions were a common problem.
Speaker #0 - Oh, really?
Speaker #1 - And the reactions were usually swift.
Speaker #0 - So what did they do?
Speaker #1 - If the disruptive person was Genevan, their family was told to keep them confined at home.
Speaker #0 - Oh, okay.
Speaker #1 - Makes sense. But if they were a foreigner, banishment. Often for the whole family. The whole family. And under threat of punishment if they tried to come back.
Speaker #0 - Wow, they weren't messing around.
Speaker #1 - No.
Speaker #0 - So keeping order especially... especially during religious services, was really important to them. Very important. But how did they handle repeat offenders, individuals who kept disrupting things because of mental illness?
Speaker #1 - That's where we see the complexities and the inconsistencies in their approach. The case of Nicholas de Mollie is a perfect example.
Speaker #0 - What happened to him?
Speaker #1 - He was imprisoned multiple times.
Speaker #0 - Oh, wow.
Speaker #1 - For aggressive behavior.
Speaker #0 - So they knew he had mental health issues.
Speaker #1 - It seems so.
Speaker #0 - But still felt the need to protect the community.
Speaker #1 - Exactly.
Speaker #0 - Tough situation.
Speaker #1 - It reflects their struggle. To balance compassion with public safety.
Speaker #0 - I can see that.
Speaker #1 - They were dealing with a challenge. Without clear solutions.
Speaker #0 - Another interesting case is Claude Sautier.
Speaker #1 - Ah, yes. Briganton.
Speaker #0 - Briganton. That was his nickname. Okay, so what happened to him?
Speaker #1 - His violent outbursts led to imprisonment. And even... Being shackled.
Speaker #0 - Shackled?
Speaker #1 - Yes. But his family appealed for a chained room.
Speaker #0 - A chained room.
Speaker #1 - So they could care for him at home safely.
Speaker #0 - So they were trying to help him.
Speaker #1 - Yes. And the council.
Speaker #0 - Yeah.
Speaker #1 - Out of pity.
Speaker #0 - Out of pity.
Speaker #1 - Eventually agreed to remove his shackles.
Speaker #0 - Wow. It's hard to imagine. Being chained up like that.
Speaker #1 - It's a difficult image.
Speaker #0 - And then they removed the shackles.
Speaker #1 - Out of pity.
Speaker #0 - Interesting.
Speaker #1 - Fascinating, isn't it? This mix of emotions, and the lack of clear solutions. They were trying to find the best way to handle things, limited knowledge and resources. Their actions weren't driven solely by cruelty. They were facing a challenge they didn't understand.
Speaker #0 - It makes you think doesn't it?
Speaker #1 - It does.
Speaker #0 - About how much we've learned since then. Okay, and speaking of challenges, the case of Benoite Jaccon. This is really thought-provoking. Her views on marriage and accusations of adultery.
Speaker #1 - They caused a lot of problems.
Speaker #0 - Yeah, they really stirred things up.
Speaker #1 - Among Calvin and the ministers.
Speaker #0 - Yeah! They are not happy. Her case really shows how mental illness, religious beliefs, and social control all kind of got mixed up.
Speaker #1 - It's a perfect example of that.
Speaker #0 - In Calvin's Geneva, she was first imprisoned for her controversial statements, but then...
Speaker #1 - Leader released.
Speaker #0 - Released.
Speaker #1 - And encouraged to reconcile with her husband.
Speaker #0 - Oh, okay.
Speaker #1 - Pierre Ameau. He actually blamed himself, for her mental state.
Speaker #0 - Interesting.
Speaker #1 - Said his mistreatment of her was the cause.
Speaker #0 - So they were trying to be compassionate.
Speaker #1 - It seemed so.
Speaker #0 - Hoped a stable home life would help her.
Speaker #1 - It's possible.
Speaker #0 - But things didn't work out that way, did they?
Speaker #1 - No, they didn't.
Speaker #0 - The council registers document? A lot more scandals?
Speaker #1 - And Ameau kept asking for a divorce.
Speaker #0 - Really?
Speaker #1 - He blamed her behavior.
Speaker #0 - So even though they tried to reconcile them, it didn't last.
Speaker #1 - No! Benoite was ultimately condemned.
Speaker #0 - Condemned to what?
Speaker #1 - To be chained for life.
Speaker #0 - Chained for life.
Speaker #1 - Yes, after further accusations of adultery and blasphemy.
Speaker #0 - Wow. Her story is a powerful reminder, of how societal norms and expectations really affected how they saw and treated mental illness.
Speaker #1 - Especially for women.
Speaker #0 - Right, especially for women.
Speaker #1 - Her case raises questions about freedom and autonomy for women back then.
Speaker #0 - It really does.
Speaker #1 - And how much control they had over their own lives.
Speaker #0 - And we can't forget how influential religious figures like Calvin were.
Speaker #1 - Oh, yes. They had a lot of power.
Speaker #0 - In shaping those societal attitudes.
Speaker #1 - Absolutely.
Speaker #0 - These are just a few examples from the Geneva Council registers.
Speaker #1 - Yes. Just a glimpse.
Speaker #0 - There are tons of other cases.
Speaker #1 - Many more.
Speaker #0 - That shed light on how they dealt with madness.
Speaker #1 - It's fascinating. But before we dive into those. I think it's time we hear from our expert on how these cases, they show a variety of approaches. And how their decision making wasn't always straightforward.
Speaker #0 - Right, right.
Speaker #1 - It wasn't always about punishment.
Speaker #0 - Okay.
Speaker #1 - Sometimes they were trying to change behavior.
Speaker #0 - Interesting.
Speaker #1 - It's really important to remember. We can't judge their actions based on our values and understanding today.
Speaker #0 - That's a really great point.
Speaker #1 - It's crucial to consider the context of the time.
Speaker #0 - And we'll talk more about that in part two.
Speaker #1 - Yes, we will.
Speaker #0 - Of our deep dive into madness in Calvin's Geneva. Stay with us.
Speaker #1 - I'm excited to continue.
Speaker #0 - Me too.
[Part 2]
Speaker #1 - Welcome back to our deep dive into the Geneva Council registers.
Speaker #0 - It's good to be back.
Speaker #1 - We're uncovering how 16th century Genevans dealt with what they called madness. As we saw, citizenship and public behavior played huge roles.
Speaker #0 - He did.
Speaker #1 - But like any historical period, there were always exceptions to the rule.
Speaker #0 - Right. Like we've talked about how societal structures shaped their approach. But did they ever show compassion? Even to those outside of their social hierarchy?
Speaker #1 - They did.
Speaker #0 - Really?
Speaker #1 - We see compassion and support. Even for foreigners. Alongside the harsh punishments.
Speaker #0 - Interesting.
Speaker #1 - Like take the case of Jacques Merle. Jacques Merle. He was a foreigner. Arrived in Geneva. Lost in the fantasies of the Anabaptists.
Speaker #0 - Lost in the fantasies.
Speaker #1 - That's what they said. He was considered mad. But instead of being banished.
Speaker #0 - They banished a lot of people.
Speaker #1 - They did.
Speaker #0 - So what happened to him?
Speaker #1 - He was allowed to stay with a cousin who agreed to take care of him.
Speaker #0 - So family support could really change things.
Speaker #1 - It could. The council recognized the importance of someone responsible, taking care of someone with mental illness.
Speaker #0 - It makes sense.
Speaker #1 - It was a better alternative than imprisonment or banishment.
Speaker #0 - So it was more humane approach.
Speaker #1 - You could say that.
Speaker #0 - Recognizing the value of social connections and community support in addressing these issues.
Speaker #1 - It's an important factor.
Speaker #0 - Were there other examples of this kind of approach?
Speaker #1 - There are. Think about Ami Rage.
Speaker #0 - Ami Rage.
Speaker #1 - He was considered mentally incapable. And the council appointed a guardian.
Speaker #0 - For, for.
Speaker #1 - To manage his property.
Speaker #0 - Oh, okay.
Speaker #1 - And prevent exploitation.
Speaker #0 - So they were looking out for him.
Speaker #1 - Yes. Even in cases of severe mental illness. They tried to safeguard his well-being.
Speaker #0 - It's kind of nice to hear that. They were trying to protect vulnerable people. Even though they didn't fully understand mental illness.
Speaker #1 - It shows a sense of social responsibility
Speaker #0 - It does.
Speaker #1 - That you might not expect from that time period.
Speaker #0 - But their responses weren't always consistent.
Speaker #1 - No, they weren't.
Speaker #0 - We saw that with Nicholas de Molle and Claude Sautier. Any other examples of this inconsistency?
Speaker #1 - A few stand out. For instance, the Madwoman of Vandoeuvres.
Speaker #0 - Madwoman of Vandoeuvres.
Speaker #1 - She was known for disrupting sermons.
Speaker #0 - Oh, yeah. Those sermons were important.
Speaker #1 - They were.
Speaker #0 - So what did they do to her?
Speaker #1 - Imprisoned her for three days.
Speaker #0 - Three days in prison just for interrupting a sermon?
Speaker #1 - Calvin and the ministers didn't like interruptions.
Speaker #0 - I guess not.
Speaker #1 - Especially during their theological pronouncements. They really valued order during those services.
Speaker #0 - Yeah, public order was key.
Speaker #1 - It was.
Speaker #0 - Especially during religious services.
Speaker #1 - Yes. But then we see a different approach. The madman in Nightingale.
Speaker #0 - Okay, another madman.
Speaker #1 - He also disrupted sermons.
Speaker #0 - Okay.
Speaker #1 - But instead of just punishing him.
Speaker #0 - What did they do?
Speaker #1 - The council told the local official to use imprisonment as a means of correction.
Speaker #0 - Correction? So, sometimes it wasn't about punishment.
Speaker #1 - Sometimes it was.
Speaker #0 - But about changing behavior.
Speaker #1 - Trying to.
Speaker #0 - It's a good reminder.
Speaker #1 - It is.
Speaker #0 - Not to judge the past based on what we know today.
Speaker #1 - We can't apply modern standards to historical situations.
Speaker #0 - It shows how complex their decision making was, so many factors at play.
Speaker #1 - Like the severity of the disruption. How much they thought the person understood. Maybe even the mood of the council members.
Speaker #0 - It makes you wonder. What their conversations were like.
Speaker #1 - By closed doors.
Speaker #0 - Yeah. Did they argue about the best course of action?
Speaker #1 - We can only imagine. The registers don't tell us everything. But they give us enough to see how difficult their job was.
Speaker #0 - It really was a different time. And that's what's so fascinating about history.
Speaker #1 - It is.
Speaker #0 - It's not about finding easy answers or judging people.
Speaker #1 - It's about understanding the past on its own terms. Understanding that people faced, different challenges.
Speaker #0 - It made different choices.
Speaker #1 - Based on what they knew.
Speaker #0 - Okay. So what can we take away from all of these cases? What are the key takeaways from our deep dive into madness in Calvin's Geneva?
Speaker #1 - I think one of the biggest is citizenship mattered: Genevans had more support from the city.
Speaker #0 - Okay.
Speaker #1 - While foreigners were more likely to be banished.
Speaker #0 - Right, or left to fend for themselves. So even in a small city state like Geneva, social structure had a big impact on people's lives.
Speaker #1 - They did. Especially those dealing with mental health issues.
Speaker #0 - And public behavior was a major factor.
Speaker #1 - It was.
Speaker #0 - In how they handled things.
Speaker #1 - Yes. Those who threatened public order.
Speaker #0 - Especially during those sermons.
Speaker #1 - Yes. Especially during religious services.
Speaker #0 - Yeah. They faced serious consequences. Maintaining order and religious decorum.
Speaker #1 - Very important.
Speaker #0 - They were serious about it. But we also see inconsistencies in how they treated people.
Speaker #1 - Some people got compassionate treatment.
Speaker #0 - Yeah.
Speaker #1 - Well, others, in similar situations, were punished more harshly.
Speaker #0 - So, personal circumstances played a role.
Speaker #1 - Seems so.
Speaker #0 - Family support. Maybe even the personalities of the council members.
Speaker #1 - Yes. All those things could have influenced the outcome.
Speaker #0 - Their system was complex.
Speaker #1 - It was.
Speaker #0 - They wanted order, but it could also be kind of arbitrary.
Speaker #1 - I think that reflects how little they understood mental illness.
Speaker #0 - It was a mystery to them.
Speaker #1 - In many ways, they often blamed it on supernatural forces or moral failings.
Speaker #0 - Right. Like with Benoite Jaccon.
Speaker #1 - Yes.
Speaker #0 - Her unconventional views on marriage.
Speaker #1 - They saw that as madness. And it got mixed up with accusations of adultery and blasphemy.
Speaker #0 - It's a good example of how religious beliefs. And social norms really shaped their view of mental health. So their responses, which seem harsh to us today, really reflect the limited knowledge they had.
Speaker #1 - At the time.
Speaker #0 - And as we head into the final part of our deep dive, I'm curious to hear your thoughts on... on how these historical insights can help us understand mental health today. It's amazing to think about how far we've come, but also how much we can still learn.
Speaker #1 - Yeah, looking back at how past societies dealt with mental illness gives us a lot to think about.
Speaker #0 - Yeah, we see the progress we've made.
Speaker #1 - Definitely. Challenges that remain. The Geneva Council registers, they really show how closely linked social structures, religious beliefs, and perceptions of mental illness were back then.
Speaker #0 - And that makes me wonder, are we really that different today?
Speaker #1 - Good question.
Speaker #0 - I mean, we've replaced banishment with involuntary commitment and shackles with medication. But have we really moved beyond those old ways of thinking? Have we really created a society that understands and supports mental well-being?
Speaker #1 - That's the key, isn't it? Our understanding of mental health has come a long way. But there's still stigma, and many people still struggle to get the help they need. We're still learning.
Speaker #0 - Yeah.
Speaker #1 - Just like the Geneva Council all those years ago.
Speaker #0 - It's looking back at ourselves in a distorted mirror.
Speaker #1 - Yeah. Seeing echoes of the past in our present.
Speaker #0 - Think about Benoite Jaccon, and how they saw her views on marriage as madness. Today, she might be considered a free spirit.
Speaker #1 - Or a rebel.
Speaker #0 - Yeah.
Speaker #1 - But we still have a tendency to label people as sick.
Speaker #0 - Right.
Speaker #1 - If they challenge the norms.
Speaker #0 - It's true.
Speaker #1 - Progress isn't always a straight line.
Speaker #0 - Right. We move forward.
Speaker #1 - And sometimes we take a step back. The important thing is to keep questioning.
Speaker #0 - Our assumptions, and to strive for a more compassionate approach to mental health.
Speaker #1 - Exactly.
Speaker #0 - That's why I think these historical deep dives are so important.
Speaker #1 - They are.
Speaker #0 - They give us a new perspective, a chance to look at our own biases.
Speaker #1 - And to learn from the past.
Speaker #0 - Yeah. We might not have all the answers, but understanding how they dealt with things back then.
Speaker #1 - It helps us.
Speaker #0 - We can better handle the challenges of mental health today.
Speaker #1 - Yes, and create a better future.
Speaker #0 - A more supportive and inclusive future. Absolutely. The Geneva Council registers.
Speaker #1 - They're fascinating.
Speaker #0 - They are.
Speaker #1 - They're more than just old records.
Speaker #0 - Right. They tell a story about how people tried to make sense of the human mind.
Speaker #1 - The complexities of the human mind.
Speaker #0 - It's been an a mazing journey, going back in time, exploring the lives of people who lived in such a different world.
Speaker #1 - And even though their methods might seem strange to us now, they teach us valuable lessons.
Speaker #0 - They do about compassion, the importance of support...
Speaker #1 - ... and how our understanding of mental health is always changing.
Speaker #0 - Thank you for joining us on this deep dive into madness in Calvin's Geneva.
Speaker #1 - It's been a pleasure.
Speaker #0 - We hope you've gained some new insights...
Speaker #1 - ... and a deeper understanding of mental health.
Speaker #0 - Then and now, keep exploring, keep asking questions.
Speaker #1 - And keep the conversation going.
Speaker #0 - We'll see you next time, on the Deep Dive.
Sources
A subject rarely studied, whether by Calvin specialists or those of 16th-Century Geneva, is that of madness. However, by examining the Registers of the Geneva Councils, one can gain insight into this topic. Who were the madmen and madwomen? How were they recognized or defined? Who took care of them and how? These are questions we will attempt to briefly answer here.
The first thing we notice is that there was no distinction between men and women in matters of madness. A demented being was simply considered as such, regardless of gender. What mattered most was that this individual did not disturb the community.
But before delving deeper, it's worth examining the structure of Genevan society under the Reformation. It was divided into three groups:
- The bourgeois and citizens, who possessed all political rights.
- The subjects of territories dependent on Geneva, Genevans living in the countryside.
- The inhabitants, foreigners, and transients, authorized to reside temporarily in the city or to trade there, without political rights.
From this, we can describe the Genevan modus vivendi regarding human madness as follows:
- A person out of their senses, calm and not disturbing public order:
- They could live in Geneva or its territories.
- They had to be cared for by their family, whether Genevan or foreign.
- In case of financial difficulties, only a Genevan family could request aid from the Seigneurie, which generally granted this aid without much discussion.
- Requests for aid often concerned children "out of their senses", whose care was expensive. Once adults, these children were placed under guardianship; they could marry or remain in their family home. In case of marriage, they were often placed under curatorship to prevent them from squandering their assets or being exploited.
- For a foreign family unable to provide for an insane member, any request for aid was rejected. Worse still: it could lead to the complete banishment of the family.
- A person out of their senses disturbing public order:
- If Genevan: after denunciation, they were incarcerated then entrusted to their family with the obligation to be confined at home.
- If foreign: they were banished with their family under threat of corporal punishment if they returned.
In theory, these rules seemed clear. However, in practice, it was mainly the disruptive madmen and madwomen who posed problems for the Seigneurie and families. Incarceration often remained the preferred solution to restore public order. If the disturbance was limited to senseless words, insults towards inhabitants (including Calvin), or blasphemies during sermons, incarceration aimed more at calming the situation than truly punishing.
However, when an insane person became violent towards passersby, the situation became more complicated. Take the case of Nicolas de Mollie or the more famous case of Claude Sautier, known as "Briganton". Despite their imprisonment and being put in chains, neither their families nor the authorities knew how to act. Regarding Briganton, after a few days of incarceration, it was decided "out of pity" that his chains be removed in the hope that God would restore his reason. His wife and children even requested a "iron-barred room" to keep him safely without him harming others. The Seigneurie rejected this request and simply ordered that he be kept chained at home.
Finally, it's worth mentioning the particular case of Benoîte Jaccon, wife of Pierre Ameaux. Her behavior shocked Calvin and the ministers: she claimed that all men were her husbands except her legitimate spouse, with whom she "fornicated". Faced with the growing scandal, Ameaux requested a divorce. However, the Seigneurie responded that he must take back his wife because her troubles were allegedly due to the ill-treatment he had inflicted on her! Finally incarcerated in January 1545 for adultery and blasphemy, Benoîte was sentenced to be chained in perpetuity at the Bishop's Palace. A few months later, she was pardoned under strict condition: to remain cloistered in a room forever.
Thus went the life of madmen and madwomen in Calvinist Geneva: between family uncertainties and pragmatic decisions by the authorities.
A.E.G., R.C. 31, fol. 67v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. II/1, p. 341 / 28 septembre 1537
(Jaques Meraulx) — Icy est parlé de Jaques Meraulx, de Lyon, cheu en fantasie des kathabaptistes et venu folz, auquel furent trouvés trezes escus soloil. Est arresté que puysqu’il est icy son cousin quil veult prendre charge de luy et de sa marchandise, que l’on luy remette le tout, en poyant les despens.
A.E.G., R.C. 33, fol. 151 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. IV/1, p. 250 / 03 juin 1539
(C. Perrissod, de Moysin) — Lequelt est subjectz de nostre juridiction et seygneurie de Pigney, et az esté detenus en prison plus d’ung moys passé, à cause qu’il estoy incensee et dehors du sens. A laz requeste de saz femme, az esté liberé des prisons et que l’on doyge fere deffence à nous subjectz de non poient le irryter, et pour aulmosne, que Messr poyent les despens, actendus qu’il ast 4 povres enfans.
A.E.G., R.C. 33, fol. 317 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. IV/1, p. 474 / 17 octobre 1539
(Chatellaien de Pigney) — Lequelt az proposer coment le balliffz de Ternier luy dist, dymenche passé, si l’on ne mecstoy ordre sus le folz de Neydens, qu’il le feroy fuacsté et coppé les orellies, az cause qu’il detorbe laz predication. Resoluz d’en advertys ses parens, affin qu’il advise.
A.E.G., R.C. 33, fol. 408v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. IV/1, p. 590-591 / 30 décembre 1539
(Maystre Anthoienne Le Saulnyer) — Lequelt az proposer coment il plieuz az Messrs luy fere comandement de absenter laz ville, autquelt obayr, et n’y eulx loysir de adviser sus les reparacions qu’il havoyer fayct aut collige que montyent treze escus et troys florins, lesquelt ce demande estre poyé, ausy de laz dispence et gouvernement de Jaques Merauld, lequelt estoyt hors du sens, que luy fust ballié az regyr. Et daventage az prier luy fere satisfayre des sallayres des enfans que sont venus az l’eschole l’espace de deux ans et sept moys. Resoluz de luy fere responce, touchant lesdtes reparacions, que d’icelles en fust comptee avecque luy et satisfayct. Quant à laz dispence de Jaques Meraulx, resoluz qui parle az cieulx que le luy ont ballié. Des enfans que n’ont satisfayct de leur sallayres, resoluz qu’il s’en fasse poyé de cieulx que auront de quoy.
(Claude Bellet) — Lequelt, d’aultant qu’il est folle, non ayant moyean de vivre, az pryer luy donner quelque office, lequelt de bon cueur excerceraz. Resoluz que il pense voyer quel office luy seroy propice et puys l’on il adviseraz.
A.E.G., R.C. 35, fol. 85 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VI/1, p. 112 / 24 février 1541
(Nycolas, lequelt est hors du sens) — Pour ce qu’il use de grand propos contre Messieurs et fayct violence, et pour eviter inconvenient, ordonné qu’il soyt mys aut crocton en pain et eau troys jours, et puys apprès que il luy soyt mise les manetes.
A.E.G., R.C. 35, fol. 102v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VI/1, p. 136 / 07 mars 1541
(Nycolas qu’estoyt hors du sens) — Pour ce que l’on voyt qu’il sed retorné, resoluz de luy osté les mannetes.
(Briganton) — Lequelt est hors du sens, sur quoy resoluz que les manetes luy soyent mises.
(Nycolas de Mollie) — Lequelt est hors du sens à present, parquoy resoluz qu’il soyt constitué prisonyer.
(Briganton) — Aulquelt l’on avoyt mys les manetes, mès pour pitié, ordonné que lesdictes manetes luy soyent ostés et cependant Dieu le pourroyt inspiré à retorner en son bon sens.
A.E.G., R.C. 36, fol. 66v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VII/1, p. 358 / 11 juillet 1542
(Nycolas de Mollie) — Lequelt, par cy-devant, a esté transporter d’entendement, autquelt l’on havoyt mys les mannetes. Toutesfoys, actendu la relation du souldant, resoluz qu’il soyt relaché des prisons.
A.E.G., R.C. 36, fol. 69v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VII/1, p. 363 / 14 juillet 1542
(Briganton ; Nycolas de Mollie) — Lesquieulx sont hors du sens, bacste et frappe les gens, sur quoy resoluz que l’on mecste les mannetes à Briganton et ledictz de Mollie soyt mys en l’Eveschee et soyt sodié par l’hospitallier.
A.E.G., R.C. 36, fol. 92a / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VII/1, p. 404 / 10 août 1542
(Briganton) — Lequelt est transsporter d’entendement, non pourtant ne fayct mal à personne, parquoy resoluz que les mannetes luy soyent ostés.
(Glaude Soultier, dicst Breganton) — Sus la supplication presenté par la femme dudictz Briganton et ses deux enfans, priant leur pourvoystre d’une chambre ferree pour tenyr ledictz Briganton, lequelt est hors du sens, sur quoy resoluz que il le pourront enchenner en leur moyson pour eviter scandalle.
A.E.G., R.C. 36, fol. 119 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VII/1, p. 455 / 12 septembre 1542
(Amyed Rage) — Sur ce que sa femme a exposé coment ledictz Rage est solicité par aulchongs de vendre son bien et actendu la povreté d’icelle et de son enfant, avecque ce que il n’a nul sens en luy, resoluz que il luy soyt provheu d’ung tuteur, assavoyer n. Johan Coquet, autquelt sera oultroyé saulvegarde sus ledictz biens.
A.E.G., R.C. 36, fol. 122 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VII/1, p. 460 / 15 septembre 1542
(Anthoienne, incensee) — À la requeste de son mary, ordonné que sa femme, laquelle est hors du sens, detenue, icelle luy soyt relaché.
A.E.G., R.C. 36, fol. 128v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VII/1, p. 473 / 25 septembre 1542
(Briganton) — Lequelt est incensee et est dangereulx. Pource que l’on craent la peste, resoluz qu’il soyt mys en l’Eveschee et que sa femme et ses enfants l’ayent à à (sic) nurry audictz Eveschee.
A.E.G., R.C. 37, fol. 52 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VIII/1, p. 164 / 06 avril 1543
(Nycolas Baud, de Peyciez) — Pource qu’il est transporté de sens, ordonné que le chatellaien de Pigney doybge fere fayre cryes audictz mandement, que nul n’aye à contracter avecque ledictz Baud sans licence de son curateur, lequelt ledictz chatellaien luy debvra deputé.
A.E.G., R.C. 37, fol. 106v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VIII/1, p. 266 / 25 mai 1543
(Briganton) — Lequelt est transporter de sens et, pour eviter inconveniant de peste, pource qu’il frequente avecque les enfect, ordonné qu’il soyt mys en prison, aut crocton de l’hospital du pont du Rosne, et que, en icelluy, sa femme et ses enfans l’ayent à le allymenté.
A.E.G., R.C.37 , fol. 123v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VIII/1, p. 294 / 11 juin 1543
(Nycolas de Mollie) — Lequelt est fort à present incensee et hors du sens, et luy hont mys les manettes de dela d’Arve, et pource qu’il ce pourroyt retorné en mieulx, resoluz que icelles luy soyent ostés et soyent retornés à cieulx à quil appertiengne, si les demandent.
(Briganton) — Lequelt est toutjour en l’Eveschee et, pource qu’il est hors du sens et pour eviter tous inconvenients de peste, ordonné qu’il doybge toutjour demoré en l’Eveschee et que ses parens l’ayent à le allymenter audictz Eveschee22.
(Nycolas de Mollie) — Lequelt semblablement est incensés. Et sur ce resoluz qu’il soyt constitué prisonier en l’Eveschee, à pain et eau, et que le pain soyt pryns à l’hospital general23.
(Nycolas de Mollie) — Lequelt est incensee et hors du sens, et vecst la nuyct par la ville. Ordonné que, par huyct jours, il soyt mys en prison.
A.E.G., R.C. 37, fol. 223v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. VIII/1, p. 457 / 19 septembre 1543
(Briganton, Nycolas de Mollie, detenu) — Lesqueulx sont hors du sens et, avecque bonnes remonstrances, hont estés liberés des prisons.
(Benoycte, femme de Pierre Ameaulx, detenue) — Laquelle tenoyt quelque opignion qu’est contre la parolle de Dieu, mès, pour aultant que à present elle a repentance et desire dès icy en là vivre à la Reformacion cristienne et, sur ce, ordonné que, pource que elle disoyt que par charité l’on povoyt habité avecque tous homes sans commecstre peché, chose estant contre Dieu, pour ceste foys, avecque bonnes remonstrances, en criant mercy à Dieu et à la justice, luy soyt pardonné. Et soyt induyct Pierre Ameaulx à retiré sadicte femme et, dès icy en là, vivre par ensemble comment mary et femme doybve fere. Et les predicans les pourront exorté à vivre selon Dieu.
A.E.G., R.C. 38, fol. 180-180v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. XI/1, p. 306 / 29 avril 1544
(Beneyta, femme de Pierre Ameaulx) — Laquelle est detenue pour aulcunes faulces opignyons qu’elle a en teste, disant que tous homes son ses marys, et, pour charité, peulve habiter avecque eulx. Et, voyeant que cella est contre Dieu, ausy qu’elle en est fort triste et deplaysante, et que, à son aspect, elle est aulcunement transsporté, à cause que elle dicst de ce que son mary ne luy veult confessé cent escus et sept vingt teston que elle luy a ballié du bien de ces enfans et, sur ce, ordonné de fere grandes remonstrances audictz Ameaulx quel il l’aye à retiré, voyeant qu’elle ne c’est mesfaycte de son corps, et que, à sa culpe, est ainsin transsporté pour les basteries et mal tracstement que il luy a fayct. Et ledictz Pierre Ameaulx a esté appellé, (fol. 180v°) lequelt a proposé que il la tracste honestement, ainsin qu’il estoyt tenuz, et ce reffier aux tesmoiengs quil hont estés examinés et, si il n’en il a assés, il justiffiera plus amplement et ne l’a jamex bastus, synon par remonstrance. Et a presenté une supplication, contenant en soubstance que, actendu la obstinacion et perseverance de ladicte Benoyte, quil a abandonné son corps à palliardisse, a prier fere dyvolche et separation dudictz mariage et, sur cella, fere jugement. Et, quant de ces biens, il en fera ainsin que justice le requerra et, sur ce, considerer ung chascun en soy-mesmes l’ymportance de tel cas.
Monsieur Calvin, ministre, lequelt est informé du cas, a exposé que, voyeant l’obstinacion d’elle, il l’est d’advys de fere dyvolche. Toutesfoys, la Seygneurie n’est de cest advys, mès a esté advisé de la liberé des prison et fere encore plus grande remonstrance audictz Ameaulx de retirer sadicte femme, voyeant qu’il ne ce conste pas qu’elle aye palliardé, combien qu’elle soyt en folle opignyon. Et, si il ne la veult retiré, que elle ce doybge retiré avecque son frere et que ledictz Ameaulx la doybge allymentee por ung espace de temps, cependant Dieu les pourroy inspirer à retorner par ensemble. Et, selon ce qu’elle ce guydera honestement, l’on adviseroy plus oultre sus tel cas et l’on a remys l’affere à judy prochain.
A.E.G., R.C. 39, fol. 5 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. IX/1, p. 672 / 13 octobre 1544
(La femme du petit Chauvet, devers la Magdeleine) — L’on a refferus que ladicte femme est incensee et pource qu’elle a esté malade, cregnant quil ne soyt de peste, ordonné qu’elle soyt remise à son mari et luy soyt ballié des manetes, et luy soyt fayct quelque bien pour vivre pour adviser que ce sera cependant etc.
A.E.G., R.C. 39, fol. 35 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. IX/1, p. 722 / 11 novembre 1544
(La Villieta) — Laquelle a prier pour la liberacion de son filz, qu’est detenu pource qu’il voulsy bastre Amyed d’Arsina, guex, et considerer qu’il est ung peult transsporté d’entendement, requerant l’avoyer pour recommandé. Ordonné que l’on le doybge fere respondre, avant toutes choses, et puys, sus ses responces, l’on fera jugement.
A.E.G., R.C. 39, fol. 35v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. IX/1, p. 723 / 11 novembre 1544
(Françoys Villiet, detenuz) — Ledictz seygneur lieutenant a ausy remys ses responces. Ordonné comment dessus.
A.E.G., R.C. 39, fol. 38v° / R.C. impr., n.s., t. IX/1, p. 728 / 14 novembre 1544
(François Villiet, detenu) — Lequelt, par ses responces, ce conste qu’il basty l’on des guex, assavoyer Amyed Darsina, guex. Et, pource qu’ill est ung peult mal disposé de sens, ordonné qu’il soyt en pain et eau jusque lungdy prochain, et allors entre les deux portes doybge crié mercy à Dieu et à la justice et audictz guex, et luy soyt pardonné pour ceste foys.
A.E.G., R.C. 39, fol. 44 / R.C. impr., n.s., t. IX/1, p. 735 / 17 novembre 1544
(Françoys Villiet, detenu) — Lequelt, par ses responces, ce conste qu’il basty l’on des guex, assavoyer Amyed d’Arsina, guex. Et, pource qu’ill est ung peult mal disposé de sens, ordonné qu’il soyt en pan et eau jusque lungdy prochain, et allors, entre les deux portes, doybge crié mercy à Dieu et à la justice, et audictz guex, et luy soyt pardonné por ceste foys.
A.E.G., R.C. 40, fol. 93v° / 24 avril 1545
(Nicolas de Mollie) — Lequel fait le fou et est un blasphémateur. Il a été ordonné qu’il soit banni de la ville pour six mois, sur peine de trois traits de corde.
A.E.G., R.C. 40, fol. 121v° / 20 mai 1545
(Braset, de Sacconex-Le-Petit ; Le seigneur Jean Chautemps) — Sur ce que Michel Chenu a référé que ceux de la maison de Braset sont allés à Dieu, de peste, réservée une femme qui est hors du sens, laquelle va parmi ceux qui ne sont pas infects, il a été ordonné que le seigneur Jean Pictiod y doive mettre ordre et, si ses parents ne peuvent la retirer, qu’il la fasse aller quérir par les enterreurs et qu’elle soit menée à l’hôpital pestilentiel, aux dépens des hoirs dudit Braset.
A.E.G., R.C. 40, fol. 133v° / 29 mai 1545
(Paul Jaillot, de la terre de Peney) — Lequel est un petit insensé ; et de bonnes remontrances lui ont été faites de vivre en bon amour avec sa mère et avec ses sœurs.
A.E.G., R.C. 40, fol. 143 / 09 juin 1545
(La relaissée de Jo. Levet, dit Godet) — Pource qu’elle est devenue pauvre et qu’elle n’a pas de quoi sodier à son enfant qui est hors du sens, et qu’elle ne peut pas le gouverner, requérant de le retirer à l’Hôpital, il a été ordonné que lui soit faite l’aumône à la discrétion des procureurs et non autre.
A.E.G., R.C. 40, fol. 146 / 12 juin 1545
(Levet) — Le seigneur Jean Pernet a exposé que la veuve de Jean Levet, escoffier, est allée à Dieu de peste et a délaissé ses enfants, dont l’un d’iceux est hors du sens, et ils n’ont pas de quoi vivre. Sur quoi, il a été résolu que l’Hôpital doive les assister et, après, s’ils ont du bien, qu’ils doivent supporter les charges.
(Pernon, femme de Claude Pary, détenue) — Laquelle a, plusieurs fois, paillardé à Genève et, pource qu’elle est un peu hors du sens, il a été ordonné qu’elle soit bannie de Genève pour trois ans, sur peine du fouet.
A.E.G., R.C. 40, fol. 204 / 03 août 1545
(Châtelain et assistants de Gaillard) — Lesquels ont écrit une missive au seigneur Hudriod Dumolard, châtelain de Saint-Victor, pour induire les parents de Claude Duboule, du mandement de Gaillard, qui est insensé, à venir à Gaillard pour lui élire un tuteur. Il a été ordonné que, en faisant des réquisitoires, il lui sera fait le placet.
A.E.G., R.C. 41, fol. 166 / 05 août 1546
(Loys Villars, de Mostiers, en Tharentaysse, detenuz ; Ordonnance) — Lequelt est detenuz à cause que aut sermon de la Magdeleine usa de quelques propos, et pource qu’il est incensé, ordonné qui soyt bampnis perpetuellement, sus poienne du foest etc., et doybge absenté toute à ceste heure33.
(Anthoenne, filz de feuz Claude Jaquet, de Thoyriez, detenuz) — Pour quelque parolles qui dicst sambedy dernier passé, a esté detenuz, mès pource qui a esté incensé, ordonné qui soyt liberé des prison.34
(D’une folle incensee à Vendovre) — Et quant à celle folle femme de Vendovre, incensee, que empeche la predication, ordonné que le chatellain de Chapitre, Wandel, la doybge constitué prisoniere, en pan et eaulx, troys jours.
(fol. 261)
(Ung folz incensee à Neyden) — Affin de eviter scandalle, resoluz que le chatellain de Pigney, Donzel, le doybge chastié par prison, en pan et eaulx.
A.E.G., R.C. 41, fol. 269v° / 24 décembre 1546
(Une femme incensee à Gento) — Laquelle faict empesche à la predication. Ordonné que le chatellaen de Gento la doybge constitué prisonyere.
A.E.G., R.C. 42, fol. 127 / 29 mai 1547
(Ung folz detenuz) — Lequel faict beaulcopt de inseullence et qui ne faict que frapper et battre, qu'est detenus etc. Arresté qui soyt conduyctz hors des Franchisses par le pont d'Alve et luy defendre la ville, et que l'on luy donne quelque pain pour s'ent aller.
A.E.G., R.C. 42, fol. 193v° / 01 août 1547
(Ung prisonnier que faict du folz, lequelt ce nomme Bernard Fernen, de Chesne-en-Seminaz) — Lequelt a dicst qui venoyt du camp de l’Empereur et a dicst que les prescheurs estient meschant gens. Ordonné que l’on le doybge allé fere respondre et ayant vheuz ces responces 36
A.E.G., R.C. 42, fol. 198v° / 04 août 1547
(Bernard Femen, filz de feuz Claude, de Chesne en la Sermaz, detenuz) — Lequelt est incensee. Ordonné qui soyt bampnis pour an et jour sus poienne du foest.
A.E.G., R.C. 42, fol. 234 / 05 septembre 1547
(Maystre Anthoienne le Couturier, de Lyon) — Remission du Consistoyre à cause qui a user de grands propos contre le magestral, toutesfoys icelluy a esté par cy-devant hors du sens et dicst que le magestral ne doybd condampner le cristien et plussieurs aultres propos sinistres. Ordonné qui luy soyt comander de absenter Geneve et sa famillie ausy, sans luy imposer poienne et sur ce l’on a esté advertyr que deyjà ill est delogé.
A.E.G., R.C. 42, fol. 411v° / 16 janvier 1548
(Le folz de Neydens) — Pour ce qui faict aulcunes insolences dans le temple de Neydens pendant la predication, ordonné que le chatellaen de Pigney il doybge pourvoystre et le mecstre en prison si est requis.
A.E.G., R.C. 43, fol. 250v / 24 novembre 1548 = malade, non fou
(Les seigneurs de Berne ; Le seigneur de Marsilliez) — Lesqueulx Bernoys hont rescript et prié volloyer superceder en la journee de marche pendante à lungdy prochain venant contre ledictz Marsilliez jusque aut quattorziesme jour apprès Pasques que sera le seziesme d’apvril prochain, causant que led. Marsilliez est transsporter de son sens et malade de son corps. Resoluz de superceder jusque audictz jour ; et touteffoys soyt remonstré à la Seygneurie de Berne que tel cas ne tombe en consequence, et les premiers ambassadeurs que iront à Berne ayent charge de parlé dudictz affere.
A.E.G., R.C. 44 / 21 mars 1549
(Claude Paris, de Burdegnin) — Le chatellaen de Pigney Wandel a refferuz qui c’est enqueruz du bien dudictz Paris, lequelt a donné tout son bien à Gregoyre de Plan, autquelt il avoyt promis ballié sa filie, et ausy led. led. Des Plan l’avoyer promis de l’allymenté, ce qui n’ast fayct, et que sa filie est folle, tellement que led. Paris est fort indigent. Et, sur ce, resoluz de fere venyr en Conseyl ambes parties, et qui doybgent apporté leur contract pour icelluy visité, s’il est raysonable ou non.
A.E.G., R.C. 44, fol. 57 / 01 avril 1549
(Jehan Baldin, ministre à Moyn) – Lequelt a advertyr le Consistoyre d’ung folz nommé Petre de Magnyez qui vast preschant faulce doctrine. Resoluz que le chatellaen de Chapitre ce doybge enqueryr dudictz cas et le chastié selon ce qui aura trové et verra estre37 expedient.
(Le chatellaen de Chapitre, Delestra) — Ayant entendu sa proposite pour luy fere rendre les instrumens de la cense de sa mayson qui a poyé, et ausy le fere poyé ses seaulx des prossès ventilé par devant luy à l’instance du serviteur du seigneur Françoys Beguin, resoluz que Roz Monet, coadmodiataire des eglises, qui a riere luy lesdictz instrumens, les doybge rendre en la Chambre des Compte, et puys l’on advisera si l’on les luy debvra rendre ou non. Et quant à ses seaulx, que icyeulx luy soyent poyés. Et ausy luy a esté concedé de chastié ung folz et incensé nommé Petre de Magyez.
A.E.G., R.C. 44, fol. 238v° / 14 octobre 1549
(Les seigneurs du Consistoyre) — Sur ce que ung nommé Johan Lois vient faissant du folz parmy la ville, et vient les sambedi icy et mesme sambedi passé alloit après maystre Reymond, disant « au le beau evangille », arresté que si faict plus ainsi que ilz az faictz du passé, qui soit mis en prison etc.
A.E.G., R.C. 44, fol. 273 / 25 novembre 1549
(Nycolas Baud, de Peycier) — Sur ce que led. Nycolas Baud auroit exposer sça devant que plussieurs ses crediteurs auroyent faict subbasté de ses biens à moindre pris et que les prevallences vallent plus de cinq centz florins et que ilz seroit bon de provoistre de quelcongs pour gouverner ledictz Baud et ses enffans sont transporter de sens etc. Et après, ayant entendu la relation du seigneur chastellain, arresté que le seigneur chastellain provoisse audictz Nycolas Baud d’ung curateur affin de les gouverner et de povoir retirer leurs biens et que Johannes de l’Hospital se doibje ayder à faire la poursuyte. Et en oultre que le seigneur tresorier doibje faire des habillement à Glaude, filz dud. Nycolas de gros drapt de Valley.
A.E.G., R.C. 44, fol. 279 / 29 novembre 1549
(Nycolas Baud, de Peycier, contre le chastellain de Pigney) — Sur ce que led. seigneur chastellain suyvant le commandementz de Messieurs ilz s’est transpourté au lieu de Peycier et Satignyer pour €stre ung tuteur et curateur audictz Nycolas Baud qu’est hors du sens et que ne se sçay regir ny gouverner, aussi qui az faict eslections des aulcungs parens qui ne s’ent veullent mescuer desd. biens etc. requerant, sur ce, ilz provoistre etc. Sur quoy a esté ordonné que lesdictz pere et filz soyent retiré et allimenter à l’Hospital, et que le seigneurs de l’Hospital doibjent retirer les biens dud. Nycolas Baud et desdictz enffans, et soyent admodié, affin que l’on sache combien lesdictz biens vouldront pour en tenir compte à qui ilz apartiendra.
A.E.G., R.C. 45, fol. 111 / 17 octobre 1550
(Beney Peyrotel) — Sus la detention de Beney Peyrotel, detenu por avoir follement parlé de maistre Calvin, duquel il disoit qu’il scavoit tout ce qu’il disoit et qu’il ne le pouvoit scavoir sinon par revellation du Malin, est advisé et arresté que por ce qu’il est contryt et se repent, et qu’il est quelque fois transporté, qu’il crie mercy à Dieu et aud. maistre Calvin, et se presente en Consistoire por recepvoir remonstrances et par bonnes remonstrances, soit laiché.
A.E.G., R.C. 38, fol. 183v° / 1er mai 1544
(Des asnes hostes) — Sur ce que plussieurs folles gens font de dispence par les tavernes et en appellent des asnes et levent des gages, et sur ce, ordonné que cella ne soyt permys, et cieulx que des icy en là en feront soyent chastiés et les gages levés soyent rendus.
And much more...
Some proposals for continuing the discovery of mental illnesses and their treatment under the Ancien Régime:
- Maurice CAPUL, Infirmité et hérésie: les enfants placés sous l'Ancien Régime, Toulouse (FR): Éditions Privat, 1990, 178 p. (web)
- Elena CARRERA, "Madness and melancholy in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Spain: new evidence, new approaches", Bulletin of Spanish studies, vol. 87, n° 8, 2010, p. 1-15 (web)
- Marianne CLOSSON / Nathalie GRANDE / Claudine NÉDELEC / Ghislain TRANIÉ (éd.), Femme et folie sous l'Ancien Régime, Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2022/12/21, 361 p. (web)
- I. G. FARRERAS, "History of mental illness", in R. BISWAS-DIENER / E. DIENER (eds), Noba textbook series: psychology, Champaign (IL): DEF publishers, 2025, online (web)
- Michel FOUCAULT, History of Madness, London / New York: Routledge, 2006, 776 p.: translated by Jean Khalfa, first ed. in French 1961
- Historic England (website) - Mental Illness in the 16th and 17th Centuries, online (web)
- H. C. Erik MIDLEFORT, A history of madness in Sixteenth-Century Germany, Redwood City (CA): Stanford University Press, 1999/03, 456 p. (web)
- Lisa ROSCIONI, "Soin et/ou enfermement? Hôpitaux et folie sous l'Ancien Régime", Genèses: médicalisation, n° 82, 2011/01, p. 31-51 (web)
- P. SÉRIEUX, "L'internement par ordre de justice des aliénés et des correctionnaires sous l'Ancien Régime d'après des documents inédits", Revue historique de droit français et étranger, 4e série, vol. 11, n° 3, 1932, p. 413-462 (web)
- Julie SINGER, Representing mental illness in late medieval France: machines, madness, metaphor, Martlesham (UK) / Rochester (NY): Boydell & Brewer, 2018/10, 374 p. (web)
- Emma Xuhan TONG, "The role of shame: mental illness in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century English narrative", The national high school journal of science, 2024/03, online (web)
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RCnum PROJECT
This historical popularization podcast is developed as part of the interdisciplinary project entitled "A semantic and multilingual online edition of the Registers of the Council of Geneva / 1545-1550" (RCnum) and developed by the University of Geneva (UNIGE), as part of funding from the Swiss National Scientific Research Fund (SNSF). For more information: https://www.unige.ch/registresconseilge/en.