Calvin's Reluctant Return to Geneva

Welcome to "Really Calvin, is this an ideal life? A historical podcast." In today's episode, we focus on John Calvin. In September 1541, Calvin made a reluctant return to Geneva, a city that had expelled him just three years earlier. This pivotal moment in Reformation history was not, as often believed, an immediate triumph for Calvin. Instead, it was the culmination of complex political maneuverings, particularly the Artichokes' Crisis of 1540.
This crisis, stemming from a botched diplomatic mission to Bern, set the stage for Calvin's recall more than any later political upheavals. Calvin's initial hesitation to return, evident in his correspondence, challenges the notion of his immediate political dominance. In fact, it wasn't until 1555 that Calvin truly consolidated his influence in Geneva. The Artichokes' Crisis also reshaped Geneva's relationship with Bern and altered the city's internal power dynamics, setting the stage for Calvin's long-term impact on the city and the broader Reformation movement.

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Speaker #0 - Welcome to another deep dive. This time, we're going to be talking about something that's going to make you rethink those small moments in life that seem insignificant. 

Speaker #1 - A little weird. 

Speaker #0 - Those little things you think, ah, whatever, doesn't matter. But we're exploring John Calvin's return to Geneva. And as you're going to find out, he really did not want to go back. 

Speaker #1 - He was not happy about it. 

Speaker #0 - Oh, he was not happy. And it's kind of crazy to think that history could have been so different because of, you ready for this? 

Speaker #1 - An artichoke. 

Speaker #0 - An artichoke.

Speaker #1 - Yeah, an artichoke. So the source that we're using for this deep dive is from 2024. And the author... 

Speaker #0 - Oh, really? 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, they dove into this thing called the artichoke crisis, which, I mean, it sounds kind of quirky. I'll admit that. But you're going to see how much it impacted religious history. It's really amazing. 

Speaker #0 - You know, what's really interesting about this is that a lot of people, they think of Calvin, they think of him as like this powerful guy right from the start, you know, ruling Geneva. But it's just not true. It's so much more complex than that. Yeah. Most people don't know that when Calvin first got to Geneva back in 1536, it was tense. 

Speaker #1 - Very tense. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah. It wasn't, you know, a smooth transition or anything. 

Speaker #1 - No, not at all. And then it got worse in 1538 when he got banished. 

Speaker #0 - Oh, yeah. 

Speaker #1 - That was a big deal. I mean, he got kicked out because he wouldn't follow the Bernese Reformation practices. He just flat out refused. 

Speaker #0 - And he even said "if we had served men, we would have been poorly recompensed, but we serve a great master who will reward us". You can just hear like the conviction in his voice.

Speaker #1 - Yeah, you can. 

Speaker #0 - Like he's not messing around. 

Speaker #1 - Definitely a stubborn guy. 

Speaker #0 - So now we've got Calvin banished from Geneva, seemingly happy to be away from all the drama, and that's where the whole artichoke crisis thing comes in. Can you set the scene for us? What was happening in Geneva that made this, you know, the seemingly random event so important? 

Speaker #1 - Sure. So Geneva at this time was kind of caught between two big forces in the Reformation. You've got the Bernese and the French. And then within Geneva, you have this powerful group called the "Artichokes". And they were all about aligning with Bernese. And they wanted a more, how do I say this, a more relaxed approach to religious reform. 

Speaker #0 - Ah, so that's different from Calvin. 

Speaker #1 - Oh, yeah. Very different from what Calvin and his followers wanted. And what's crazy is that their downfall, it wasn't some big theological debate or some power struggle. It was a diplomatic mission to Bern that went completely south, all because of bad timing. 

Speaker #0 - Okay, now you have to tell me more about this diplomatic blender. I mean, you don't hear about artichokes getting mixed up in religious history every day. 

Speaker #1 - I know, it's pretty funny when you think about it. But the timing was just awful. So the Bernese authorities, they were busy with their own stuff, you see. 

Speaker #0 - Oh, like what? 

Speaker #1 - Well, they were working on their own constitution. And to be honest, they saw Geneva as kind of a pain. 

Speaker #0 - Oh, really? 

Speaker #1 - Yeah. So when these Genevan envoys show up hoping to, you know, get closer to Bern and make their alliance stronger. The Bernies basically ignored them. 

Speaker #0 - Oh man, talk about an epic fail. I bet those envoys were mortified. 

Speaker #1 - I can only imagine. 

Speaker #0 - What happened when they went back to Geneva? Like, how did this rejection change things? 

Speaker #1 - Well, when they slinked back to Geneva, it created this huge power vacuum. The Artichokes, they'd put all their eggs in the blend basket and now they were weak and nobody trusted them. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, that makes sense. 

Speaker #1 - And who do you think was ready to step in and take advantage of the situation? 

Speaker #0 - Oh, I bet I know this. Calvin supporters. 

Speaker #1 - Bingo. They saw this as their chance to get back in the game and push for their vision of Geneva. 

Speaker #0 - OK, so that sets the stage for Calvin's return. Bingo. He's not exactly jumping for joy about going back to Geneva. In fact, from what I hear, his reaction was more like, oh, no, not again. I mean, he even said that Geneva was like a torture chamber. Why was he so against going back? Was it personal? Or was there something more to it, like theological or political reasons? 

Speaker #1 - Well, hummm...

Speaker #0 - You know.

Speaker #1 - Yeah, it was... It was... All of that mixed together, really. 

Speaker #0 - Oh, really? 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, you got to remember his time in Geneva the first time was a total mess. I mean, constant pushback, getting kicked out. He finally found some peace and purpose in Strasbourg going back, would mean going back to all that drama, and he just didn't want to admit it. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, I get it. 

Speaker #1 - But there's more to it than just that, you know. Calvin's beliefs played a big role too. He had very specific ideas about how the church should be run, how society should function, and he knew that Geneva was nowhere near ready for that. 

Speaker #0 - Oh! So going back would be a fight. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, huge fight. And he wasn't sure he had the energy for it. You know. 

Speaker #0 - That makes sense. So, we've got this reluctant hero, right, being called back to this place he dreaded. 

Speaker #1 - It makes me wonder, how did they convince him to go back? I mean, it's like asking someone to go back to a restaurant that gave them food poisoning. Like, no thanks, I'm good.  

Speaker #0 - Well, they really pulled out all the stops. 

Speaker #1 - Okay, how so? 

Speaker #0 - It was like a 16th century PR campaign, you know? Tons of letters and stuff. 

Speaker #1 - Really?

Speaker #0 - Oh, yeah. They appealed to his sense of duty, saying that Geneva desperately needed him to become a true center of reformed Christianity. 

Speaker #1 - So they laid it on thick. 

Speaker #0 - Oh, yeah. They even got big names from all over the reformed world to write to him, begging him to come back, praising his intelligence and his leadership. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah. So they really pulled out all the stops. Oh, yeah. It was a smart move and it worked. 

Speaker #0 - Wow. So they basically guilt tripped him into coming back. 

Speaker #1 - Well, maybe guilt tripped is a bit harsh, but they definitely played on his conscience and his commitment to the reformed movement. And eventually Calvin saw it as a call from God, you know, a duty he just couldn't ignore, even though he really didn't want to go. 

Speaker #0 - Wow. That's amazing. It's kind of ironic, isn't it? This guy who wanted nothing to do with Geneva ends up being like the face of the city. But you said earlier that he didn't actually have any political power, right? 

Speaker #1 - Nope. 

Speaker #0 - So how did he have such a huge impact on Geneva without being in charge? 

Speaker #1 - Well, that's where things get really interesting. You see, Calvin went back to Geneva, not as a politician, but as a pastor, a teacher. He focused on building a strong church, educating people, and instilling a strict moral code. His sermons were powerful. His writings were influential. And he set up this system of church discipline that really affected daily life in Geneva. 

Speaker #0 - So he was in charge without being in charge. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. So he might not have had the official power, but his influence was everywhere in Genevan society. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, like soft power. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. 

Speaker #0 - He changed the culture the way people thought the whole fabric of Geneva through his teaching and his personality. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. And that's why this whole Artichokes's crisis is so important. Because... If those envoys had gotten burned on their side, if the Artichokes had stayed in power, Calvin probably would have stayed in Strasbourg, and Geneva could have been totally different. Maybe more tolerant, less strict in its Protestantism. Who knows? The Reformation might have gone in a completely different direction. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, that's crazy to think about. This whole story just shows how these seemingly small events can have huge ripple effects. You know, they can shape. Not just individual lives, but the entire course of history. 

Speaker #1 - Absolutely. 

Speaker #0 - It really makes you think about those what-if moments in your own life, doesn't it?

Speaker #1 - Yeah, like what if you'd made a different choice or taken a different path? 

Speaker #0 - Right. I mean, who knows what could have happened? 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. That's what's so cool about history. It reminds us that the world is this crazy web of interconnected events. Sometimes the connections are obvious, but other times, like with John Calvin and the whole Artichoke thing, they're totally unexpected. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, totally unexpected. Well, that's all for part one of our deep dive into the Artichokes' crisis and the surprising return of John Calvin to Geneva. It's a story of unintended consequences, reluctant heroes and the power of ideas. Who knew a vegetable could be so important in shaping history? Join us for part two where we'll dive even deeper and deeper, deeper into this fascinating story. See there. 

[part. 2]

Speaker #1 - Yeah, it was... it was kind of a mix of everything, really. I mean, you got to remember, his first time in Geneva was rough, constant pushback, getting kicked out. He finally found some peace in Strasbourg. Going back... I mean, going back to all that drama, and on top of that, you know, Calvin was a man of deep conviction. He had very specific ideas about how the church should be run, how society should function. And he knew Geneva was nowhere near ready for that. 

Speaker #0 - So it would be a fight. 

Speaker #1 - A huge fight. And I don't think he was sure he wanted to fight it. You know what I mean? 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, I get it. So we've got this guy, Calvin, who really doesn't want to go back to Geneva. But they're begging him to come back. It's like asking someone to go back to a restaurant that gave them food poisoning. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. It's like "No thanks! I'm good." 

Speaker #0 - Right. But they must have really wanted him back. How did they convince him? 

Speaker #1 - Well, they launched this huge campaign to get him back. 

Speaker #0 - Like what? 

Speaker #1 - Think of it like a 16th century letter-writing campaign. They appealed to his sense of duty, saying that Geneva needed him to become this beacon of reformed Christianity. 

Speaker #0 - So they were laying it on thick. 

Speaker #1 - Oh, yeah. They even got big names from... all over the reformed world to write to him, urging him to reconsider, praising his intelligence and his leadership. 

Speaker #0 - Wow. So they really pulled out all the stops. 

Speaker #1 - They did, and it worked. 

Speaker #0 - So they basically guilt-tripped him into coming back. 

Speaker #1 - Well, guilt-trip might be a little strong, but they definitely played on his conscience and his dedication to the reform movement. And in the end, Calvin saw it as a call from God, you know, a duty he couldn't ignore, even though he really didn't want to go. 

Speaker #0 - It's kind of ironic, isn't it? This guy who wanted nothing to do with Geneva ends up becoming synonymous with the city. And a lot of people think of him as this powerful ruler. But you said he didn't have any official political power, right? Nope. So how did he shape Geneva so much without actually being in charge? 

Speaker #1 - That's the really interesting part. Calvin returned to Geneva not as a politician, but as a pastor, as a theologian. He focused on building a strong church, educating people, and instilling a strict moral code. His sermons were powerful. His writings were influential, and he established this system of church discipline that really impacted daily life in Geneva. 

Speaker #0 - So even though he wasn't officially in charge, his influence was everywhere. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. He might not have had the official power, but his influence permeated every aspect of Genevan society. 

Speaker #0 - It's like soft power, right?

Speaker #1 - Exactly. And that's why this whole Artichokes crisis is so important. Because if those envoys had gotten Bern's support, if the Artichokes had maintained their power, Calvin probably would have stayed in Strasbourg, and Geneva could have gone in a completely different direction. Maybe they would have been more tolerant, less strict in their Protestantism. 

Speaker #0 - And maybe the whole Reformation would have been different too. 

Speaker #1 - Exactly. The ripple effects are huge. 

Speaker #0 - It's amazing how these seemingly small events can have such a big impact. They can shape not just individual lives, but the course of history. It really makes you think about those what-if moments in your own life, doesn't it? 

Speaker #1 - Absolutely. Like, what if you'd made a different choice? Or taken a different path. 

Speaker #0 - Exactly. It's mind-blowing to think about all the possibilities. 

Speaker #1 - That's what makes history so fascinating. It reminds us that the world is this complex web of interconnected events. Sometimes the connections are clear and obvious, but other times, like with John Calvin and the Artichoke crisis, they're totally unexpected. 

Speaker #0 - Totally. And who would have thought that an Artichoke could play such a pivotal role in shaping history? 

Speaker #1 - Yeah. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah, it really makes you wonder, you know, what would Geneva be like today, or even the whole Protestant world, if those envoys had managed to like charm the Bernese authorities, you know? What if this whole Artichoke crisis thing had never happened? 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, it's a fun thought experiment, right?

Speaker #0 - Totally. 

Speaker #1 - It's impossible to say for sure, but we can guess, right? If Geneva had gotten closer to Bern, they might have ended up with a more, you know, laid back religious culture. Maybe not so strict. Maybe it wouldn't have become like the... Calvinist capital that we know. Maybe it would have been this totally different intellectual hub where all these different Protestant ideas could just like chill together, you know? 

Speaker #0 - Yeah. That's a cool thought. And without Geneva as this like Calvinist stronghold, would the Reformation have played out differently across Europe? Would other countries have like adopted different models of religious reform? 

Speaker #1 - Absolutely. 

Speaker #0 - I mean, we're talking about a domino effect that could have changed the whole religious and political landscape of Europe.  

Speaker #1 - Yeah. It's mind blowing when you think about it. 

Speaker #0 - Totally. It just shows how interconnected history is, you know? These small events, these little things that seem insignificant at the time can have these huge consequences that echo through time. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, it's like the butterfly effect. 

Speaker #0 - So what's the takeaway from all of this? I mean, is it just a reminder that sometimes history just happens? You know, it's all just a bunch of coincidences and bad timing? Or is there something deeper here about how individuals can shape events even when they don't want to, you know? 

Speaker #1 - I think it's a bit of both. You know. There's definitely an element of chance of things just happening. But there's also this message about the impact of our choices, even when we make them reluctantly or when we're scared. You know. Calvin didn't want to go back to Geneva, but once he did, he totally changed the city and the whole movement. 

Speaker #0 - Yeah. And it reminds us that we all have the power to make a difference, even when things are tough, even when it feels like we're facing a torture chamber of challenges. Maybe those challenges are what shape us, what push us to leave our mark on the world. 

Speaker #1 - Yeah, maybe that's the biggest lesson from this whole Artichoke crisis. A reminder that history isn't set in stone. It's a tapestry woven from choices, chance encounters, and yeah, even the occasional artichoke. 

Speaker #0 - I love that. Well, there you have it, folks, our deep dive into the Artichokes crisis and John Calvin's surprising return to Geneva. It's a story of unintended consequences, reluctant heroes, and the enduring power of ideas. Who knew a vegetable could be so important in shaping history? Next time you're enjoying a delicious artichoke, maybe you'll think about all the twists and turns of history and those what-if moments that shape our world in ways we never expect. Thanks for joining us.

Difficult return of Calvin to Geneva

By Dr. Christophe Chazalon

We must now take a detour via Calvin. Genevan historiography likes Calvin, or rather it venerates him (Catholics excepted).[01] Which is legitimate in a certain sense, Calvin is indisputably a "great man". His thought endures to this day and is still gaining more followers around the world. But this historicist vision has the consequence that everything that is not related to the famous reformer is put aside, at best treated quickly, at worst ignored. Therefore, for Genevan historiography, the Perrinists' crisis of 1555, which confirms Calvin's "omnipotence" over the city following the definitive failure of his opponents, is the key element in the beginnings of the Reformation in Geneva. In fact, it is not. The crucial crisis in Genevan history after the adoption of the Reformation is that of the "Artichauts" of 1540. The entire structure and history of the City are the result of a lamentable embassy to the Bernese authorities and perhaps also of some unexpected coincidences. The Perrinists' crisis only closes a chapter, that of the hegemony of Calvin's ideas on the French-speaking Protestant Rome in the making.

A little flashback on History. A "Gallus" appears for the first time in the registers of the Councils on September 15, 1536. This is John Calvin, acolyte of Guillaume Farel, the true reformer appreciated and listened to by the Genevans at that time. That same year, however, the first Latin version of the Institution of the Christian Religion by said Calvin was published in Basel. The French reformer is beginning. He is eloquent. He is also appreciated, but he asks for a lot and he is a foreigner. The bourgeois and the citizens are not yet ready. The clash erupts and Calvin and Farel are banished from Geneva on April 23, 1538, by decision of the majority of the General Council, because they refuse "de precher ni donner la Cene à la forme de la dite missive" ("to preach or give the Last Supper in the form of the said missive"), namely a letter from the Bernese authorities which enjoined the Genevans to follow the Bernese Reformation, in order to have a ceremonial unification. Calvin then replies: "Est bien, à laz bonne heure, si nous heussons servy les hommes, nous fussions mal recompenser, mes nous servons ung grand Maître que nous recompenseraz!"[02] ("Well, right now, if we served men, we would be poorly rewarded, but we serve a great Master who we will reward!") This is the real story that must be remembered. Calvin, a great man in the making, certainly. His Institution will know by the end of the century no less than 20 editions in Latin and 17 in French, plus about twenty in other languages. But Calvin is not yet, in these 1530s, THE great man retained by History. In Geneva, Calvin is finally a man among so many others. And the least that can be said is that he does not appreciate the Genevans much at the time.
Let us now emit a single hypothesis, one of those "ifs" with which one would put Paris in a bottle ("If wishes were horses, beggars would ride"). And if there had not been the Articulants' crisis, would Calvin have returned to Geneva? Of course, impossible to answer. But still.
To put it simply, the Articulants' crisis is a purely Genevan crisis, which ultimately and schematically opposes two visions of the Reformation: the Bernese vision and the French vision. The Articulants and their followers are not only more libertine than the Calvinists, but in addition they turn out to be close to the Bernese, at least that is what they were accused of. So if Jean Lullin (whose mother was Swiss German and who managed the Auberge de l'Ours, a Bernese symbol if ever there was one), Ami Chapeaurouge and Jean-Gabriel Monathon had brought back a real departure (that is, a report) following their embassy to Bern to negotiate a new treaty between Geneva and Bern, the situation would have been quite different. There, history retains, through the register of the Councils, that the three men returned with nothing or almost nothing. They only expose before the Small Council, "comment, jouxte leur charge, ont fait du mieux, comment se contient par les réponses ci-cousues" ("how, alongside their charge, have done the best, how is contained by the answers sewn below"). The "réponses ci-cousues" have, for their part, disappeared. However, according to our research[03], the conclusion would be that no treaty was finalized during the embassy because the Bernese authorities then had more important things to deal with than agreements with the Genevans, who, let's be frank, appeared as real pains in the neck in the eyes of the Bernese authorities.[04] Between March 31 and April 2, 1539, these examine in fact the statutes or Satzungen, a fundamental step in the constitutional history of Berne of the Ancien Régime. Not too much time to take an interest in this embassy which comes to discuss once again a subject already treated. Also, the ambassadors return without truly having an answer. It is only following numerous infringements of jurisdiction by the Bernese bailiffs on the lands shared with Geneva and the complaint of the Seigneury lodged with its Bernese counterpart which results, that MM. de Berne then drafted a treaty entirely in their favor, granting themselves all the high sovereignty over the shared territories of Saint-Victor and Chapitre, making the Genevans their vassals. The consequence of all this is multiple:

• Conflicting and very strained relations with the combourgeois of Berne which will involve not one, but two arbitrations in Basel, known as the "Départ de Bâle", in 1541 and 1544, and which will fix the rules of good neighborhood with the Bernese, then the Duke of Savoy (from 1567), until the end of the Ancien Régime and the conquest of Napoleon.
• The establishment of the canton of Basel as the seat of arbitrations within the Leagues.
• A reform and a consolidation of the Genevan administration which will last until the end of the Ancien Régime and even until today under certain aspects.
• And, in fine, the recall of Calvin, following the flight of the majority of the pro-Bernese from the city and the Genevan lands.

In other words, because the Bernese authorities were very busy with their own administrative affairs, because the embassy for the signature of this new treaty fell at the wrong moment, because the ambassadors did not obtain or claim a departure in good and due form as is the custom, because the Genevan authorities did not claim it either on the return of their ambassadors and even dragged their feet to demand a sealed copy, because a year later, the authorities of Berne finally arrogate to themselves high sovereignty over the lands of Saint-Victor and Chapitre, because a revolt breaks out between rival factions in Geneva and leads to the flight of the anti-Calvins from the city, because the partisans of Calvin accede again to the power, because the ministers in place leave their post one after the other to join the lands of MM. de Berne, for all these reasons and many others… Calvin was recalled to Geneva.[05]

And what does Master Jean Calvin, pastor in Strasbourg, think when it is suggested to him that his return to this city, which banished him so badly, could be near? To this idea, issued as early as February 1540, Calvin writes to Farel: "Plutôt cent autres morts que cette croix sur laquelle, mille fois par jour, il me faudrait périr!"[06] ("Rather a hundred other deaths than this cross on which, a thousand times a day, I would have to perish!"), while enjoining his correspondent to vigorously oppose this new project if it were to be confirmed. Two months later, the same thing happened again. "Au seul mot de rappel, je tressaille d’horreur… Plus j’avance et plus je vois de quel gouffre le Seigneur m’a délivré"[07] ("At the mere word of recall, I shudder with horror... The further I go, the more I see from what abyss the Lord has delivered me.") As for Viret, he writes to him on May 19: "Je n’ai pu lire, sans rire, les lignes où tu te préoccupes si bien de ma santé. Aller à Genève, pour que je me porte mieux? Pourquoi pas tout de suite à la potence? Il vaudrait mieux périr d’un coup, plutôt que d’être tourmenté dans cette chambre de torture!"[08] ("I could not read, without laughing, the lines where you are so concerned about my health. Going to Geneva, so that I feel better? Why not straight to the gallows? It would be better to perish in one blow, rather than be tormented in this torture chamber!") One cannot say, on reading these words, that Calvin exults or that he is only waiting to be able to return to Geneva! On the contrary. And bad luck for him, in fact, the worst happens: the Genevan authorities decide to recall him to Geneva, leading a real campaign among the reformed world of the Leagues to obtain massive support, not without success. Calvin weakens, even if he prevaricates, bickers, grumbles, and especially drags on as much as he can. He ends up changing his mind and accepts the proposal, however "avec tristesse, larmes, grande sollicitude et détresse" ("with sadness, tears, great concern and distress.") He believes that this task is imposed on him by God: "j’offre mon cœur comme immolé en sacrifice au Dieu Seigneur"[09] ("I offer my heart as immolated in sacrifice to the God Lord.") Hallelujah! His return is therefore a sacrifice. No enthusiasm from the reformer points. He imposes conditions, the main one being the implementation, on his arrival, of the Ecclesiastical Ordinances of his own making and the creation of a Consistory. These supporters, the Guillermins (named thus in memory of Guillaume Farel) being then in force to the Councils, his conditions are accepted and in a certain way, the fate of the City is therefore sealed. On September 13, 1541, Calvin is back and therefore joins his friend Viret who arrived a few months earlier with the authorization of MM. de Berne and this, despite the arbitration in Basel in progress. But, against all expectations, the difficulties are only beginning. The Perrinists, opponents of the Guillermins, do not intend to give up. They are also reformed, but always want to maintain their freedoms while looking towards Berne. Also Calvin knows many troubles of which he complains abundantly to his correspondents, until 1555 where erupts the crisis of the Perrinists which definitively ends the fight of factions between Genevans. However, should it be specified, Calvin, from 1536 to his death in 1564, has, in Geneva, ONLY the status of minister. He has no effective power, no other office. He founded the Academy in 1559, but does not exercise any function there. He is not even a bourgeois (he will become so free of charge on December 25, 1559, at the same time as Viret and other ministers, Théodore de Bèze having been so on April 17 of the same year)[10], but from 1555 at least, his decisions, his choices, his "recommendations" are applied by the members of the Council and often with the approval of the majority of the population. The loop is closed. The French-speaking Protestant Rome can truly emerge!

Notes:

[01]    William Monter, however, draws a very clear picture of Calvin's influence on Geneva and its population. For him, ultimately, the reformer's only great success in the management of the City was the creation of the Consistory and its organization (William Monter, Studies in Genevan government (1536-1605), Genève: Droz, 1964, p. 119-121). It should be noted, however, that it was the Bernese authorities who first reproached their Genevan counterparts in January 1540 for not yet having established a Consistory, Calvin then living in Strasbourg, banished from Geneva (R.C. impr., n.s., t. V/1, p. 36 et 42 (January 12 and 13, 1540)). The same goes for the 5% credit supposedly imposed by Calvin. In our annotation of the register of the Councils of 1544, we have highlighted a completely different reality. Although stopped by the Small Council in August 1544, the idea of limiting usury is already proposed in Geneva in 1538, but even more this limitation is already effective on the Bernese lands since February 1530 at least, through the ordinance on usury (the Wucherordnung), reconfirmed and printed in February 1543 in German, then in February 1545 in French. The Genevan merchants know it without any possible doubt, because they trade daily with the Bernese merchants and therefore are subject to it (R.C. impr., n.s., t. IX/1, p. 23 et n. 61 (January 14, 1544)). Contrary to these limiting visions as to the influence of the reformer, Lucien Fulpius, sees the mark of Calvin everywhere (and he is not the only one): "1543 est une année importante au point de vue constitutionnel : les Édits refondus et révisés sont adoptés. Ils portent la trace des idées politiques de Calvin qui a collaboré à leur rédaction" ("1543 is an important year from a constitutional point of view: the refounded and revised Edicts are adopted. They bear the trace of the political ideas of Calvin who collaborated in their drafting"). However, he contradicts himself a few lines later, writing: " après la mort de Calvin, qui n’accordait pas une importance primordiale à la forme du régime politique…" ("after the death of Calvin, who did not attach paramount importance to the form of the political regime...") (Lucien Fulpius, L’organisation des pouvoirs politiques dans les constitutions de la République et canton de Genève, Genève : Georg et Cie S.A., 1942, p. 20-21). His analysis on the loss of power of the General Council following the adoption of the Edicts of 1543, for its part, is most accurate.

[02]    R.C. impr., n.s., t. III/1, p. 236 (ad diem : published in C.O., 1879, vol. XXI, col. 226-227). It should be noted that as early as March 12, the Seigneury had forbidden Calvin and Farel "de ne poient se mesler du magistral" ("not to interfere in political matters"), that is, of politics, because Calvin had said that "le Conseyl, lequel l’on alloyt tenyr, estoyt Conseyl du diable" ("the Council that they were planning to hold was a Council of the devil") (ibid., p. 175 (ad diem)).

[03]    R.C. impr., n.s., t. IV/1, p. xviii-xxvii et 148 (April 03, 1539).

[04]    For example, a few months later, in July 1540, the Genevan ambassadors reported to the Small Council the response of the avoyer of Bern: "de ce que le balliffz de Ternyer nous fayct journellement novellités, leur fust fayct responce [aux amabassadeurs] que ledictz balliffz ne fayssoyt rien sans leur comandement, et qu’il nous dihusse picqué daventage et ne nous az pas picqué assés, cart nous le meritons bien, et que nous sumes fiers et que n’avons rien voulsu fere pour eulx, mès qu’il mecstront en avant leur force et puyssance. Et pluseurs aultre rigoureux propos teny ledict avoyer" ("Regarding the daily disturbances caused by the bailiffs of Ternier, the ambassadors were told that those bailiffs acted only on their orders, and that we should be stung even more than we have been already, because we deserve it. We are arrogant and unwilling to cooperate with them, so they will assert their strength and power. The avoyer made several other severe statements as well.") (R.C. impr., n.s., t. V/1, p. 414 (July 24, 1540)).

[05]    Following the Articulants affair, the pro-Bernese, the opposite faction logically regains power. As Ami-Louis Herminjard points out, of the 4 syndics of 1538, Jean Philippe was executed, Jean Lullin and Ami Chapeaurouge are two of the three Articulants, and Claude Richardet is on the run (Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française..., Genève: H. Georg,, libraire éditeur / Paris: Michel Levy frères, éditeurs, 1883, t. VI, n° 869, p. 242, n. 3). Also, on May 1, 1541, the General Council rehabilitates the banished ministers: "Pour ce qu’il n’ast poient qu’ast consenty de dechasé le serviteur de Dieu, chescun az levé laz maen qu’il les tiegnent pour gens de bien et de Dieu, et peulve allez et venyr en surté, coment Farel, Caulvin, Saulnyer et aultres" ("Since they did not consent to banish the servant of God, each one has raised their hand to show that they consider them to be good and godly people, and that they may come and go safely, like Farel, Calvin, Saulnier, and others.") (R.C. impr., n.s., t. VI/1, p. 246 (ad diem)). It should also be noted that the idea of recalling Calvin dates back to at least February 1540 and that the Seigneury wrote to him about it as early as September 1540, but Calvin, preparing a conference in Worms, is not available and proposes that the Seigneury ask Viret to come in his place, which it does. But, on the other hand, it refrains from calling Farel, who would have liked to return to Geneva. In any case, on November 13, Calvin begins to change his mind under pressure from his friends and writes that he would be very happy to come and join the Genevan church, but... he cannot, which he confirms in another letter to Guillaume Farel, then in Neuchâtel: "Cum legati literas Senatui obtulissent, responsum est me abesse: sine cujus consensu nihil polliceri vellet" For their part, on the same day, the Strasbourg ministers drafted a very long dilatory letter to the Seigneury on this subject. On May 26, 1541, the Seigneury then turned to the Zurich authorities and pastors for their support, which was granted (Calvin will respond on May 31), but also to Basel and Strasbourg. (R.C. impr., n.s., t. V/1, p. 543 (September 21, 1540), et t. V/2, 586, 589, 591, 595, 630 et 658 (October 19, 20, 21 and 22; November 08 and 22), as welle as the annex 98, p. 879-880 (November 06, 1540) et C.O., 1879, t. XXI, col. 278 ; Herminjard, t. VI, n° 857, p. 198-202 (March 29, 1540), n° 865, p. 226-230 (May 19), n° 869, p. 242 et n. 3 (June 22-28), n° 891, p. 309-311 (September 25), n° 898, p. 325-328 (October 21), n° 900, p. 331-332 (October 22: lettre à Calvin), n° 901, p. 333-335 (October 23: réponse de Calvin), n° 902, p. 335-337 (October 23-24) : lettre des pasteurs strasbourgeois), n°907, p. 345-347 (October 31), n° 909, p. 351-352 (November 02), n °910, p. 352-355 (November 12), n° 911, p. 356-364 (November 13), n° 916, p. 374-375 (November 22), n° 919, p. 379-381 (November 26), n° 920, p. 382-3384 (November 26), n° 922, p. 386-392 (December), n° 931, p. 422-423 (December 31) et t. VII, n° 939, p. 13-17 (February 06, 1541), n° 941, p. 22-23 (February 06), n° 943, p. 25-27 (February 19), n° 951, p. 42-45 (March 01), n° 956, p. 51-54 (March 12), n° 958, p. 64-66 (April 02), n° 985, p. 129-132 (May 26), n° 986, p. 132-133 (ad diem), n° 987, p. 134-135 (May 29), n° 988, p. 135-136 (May 30), n° 989, p. 136 (May 30), n° 990, p. 137-141 (May 31), n° 995, p. 148-149 (June 07), n° 1001, p. 155-156 (June 16), n° 1002, p. 157-158 (June 16), n° 1003, p. 158-162 (June 17), n° 1021, p. 214-216 (August 05), n° 1025, p. 222 (August 20), n° 1026, p. 223-225 (August 25), n° 1028, p. 227-230 (September 1), n° 1029, p. 231-233 (September 1), n° 1033, p. 239-240 (September 07), n° 1034, p. 241-242 (September 09), n° 1035, p. 242-244 (September 10), n° 1041, p. 253-255 (September 17), n° 1048, p. 270-271 (September 29) ; and Émile Doumergue, Jean Calvin. Les hommes et les choses de son temps, Lausanne: Georges Bridel, 1902, t. II, p. 696-697 and n. 4).

[06]    "Michaël etiam typographus mihi, Blechereti verbis, indicavit, reditum illuc mihi posse confici. Sed centum potius aliae mortes quam illa crux: in qua millies quotidie pereundum esset. Tecum hoc obiter communicare volui, ut pro virili occuras eorum consiliis qui me illuc retrahere tentabunt" (April 1540, published in C.O., 1863, t. XI, p. 30 and Herminjard, t. VI, n° 857, p. 199; translation in Doumergue, t. II, p. 695).

[07]    "[…] Quo longius progredior, eo clarius conspicio e quo gurgite me Dominus liberarit" (May 1540, published in C.O., 1863, p. 38 and Herminjard, t. VI, n° 863, p. 217; translation in Doumergue, t. II, p. 695).

[08]    "Eam vero epistolae partem non sine risu legi, ubi tam bene valetudini prospicis. Genevamne, ut melius habeam? Cur non potius recta ad crucem? Satius enim fuerit semel perire quam in illa carnificina iterum torqueri. Ergo, mi Vireti, si salvum me esse cupis, consilium istud omittas" (May 19, 1540, published in C.O., t. XI, p. 36 and Herminjard, t. VI, n° 865, p. 228; translation in Émile Doumergue, t. II, p. 695). On other comments made by Calvin, his procrastination, his doubts, his illness, see Doumergue, t. II, p. 694-713.

[09]    At least these are the terms that Olivier Labarthe notes in his synthesis on the beginnings of the Reformation in Geneva (Encyclopédie de Genève, t. V, p. 132).

[10]    A.E.G., R.C. 55, fol. 32v° et 163 (ad diem, published in Covelle, p. 263-264).

Some ideas for discovering Calvin's influence in Geneva and around the world, despite his lack of love for the Genevans!

• Jean-François GILMONT, "La mauvaise foi de Calvin", Bulletins de l'Académie royale de Belgique, vol. 17, n° 1-6, 2006, pp. 21-42   (web)
• Robert M. KINGDON, "Calvin and the establishment of Consistory discipline in Geneva: the institution and the men who directed it", Dutch review of Church history, vol. 70, n° 2, 1990, pp. 158-172   (web)
• Karin MAAG, "John Calvin, the man behind the name", calvin.edu, 2000, online  (web)
• Marcus J. SERVEN, "After Darkness, light: John Calvin's ministerial call to Geneva", thegenevanfoudation.com, 2020/07, online  (web)
• Nathalie SZCZECH, "Réforme de la discipline ecclésiastique et affirmation pastorale dans la Genève de Calvin (année 1540-1550), in Julien LÉONARD (ed.), Prêtres et pasteurs. Le clergé à l'ère des divisions confessionnelles (XVI^e - XVIII^e siècles), Rennes (FR): Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2018/08, pp. 295-307   (web)
• Jacques VARET (ed.), Calvin, naissance d'une pensée, Tours (FR): Presses universitaires François-Rabelais / Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2018/07, 256 p.  (web)